
RSF launches drone attack on military base inside Port Sudan airport
Military spokesman Brig Gen Nabil Abdullah said the suicide drones attacked an ammunition depot, triggering a series of explosions. They also hit a warehouse and several civilian installations he did not specify. There were no casualties, he added.
Videos shared online and shot minutes after the drones struck purported to show a large ball of fire followed by a cloud of dark smoke near the airport's tarmac. The National could not independently verify the authenticity of the footage.
Sunday's attack on the air force's Osman Dukna base in Port Sudan signals a dangerous shift in the course of the war between the RSF and the armed forces. While the use of drones by the RSF will not win territory for the paramilitary, it will have a psychologically disturbing impact on civilians in army-controlled areas and undermine the military's image as the nation's protector.
Port Sudan lies about 650 kilometres from the nearest known RSF positions on the outskirts of Khartoum to the West.
On Saturday, Kassala airport was also targeted by RSF drones, according to witnesses in the city in the eastern region of Sudan.
Officials said flights were temporarily suspended at Port Sudan airport pending a review of the security situation at the site. Already, a Port Sudan-bound flight from Addis Ababa scheduled for Sunday afternoon was cancelled, according to a passenger who spoke to The National. Five domestic flights also scheduled for Sunday were cancelled, said the officials.
Port Sudan has been the de facto capital of Sudan since not long after the RSF overran most of Khartoum in the early days of the war. Army chief Gen Abdel Fattah Al Burhan escaped there following months of being besieged by RSF fighters at the armed troops headquarters in Khartoum.
Port Sudan now is the seat of the military-backed government and is home to the only international airport in areas controlled by the army. It is also used as the main base for foreign diplomats and UN agencies.
The army regained control of Khartoum international airport in March as part of an offensive that rid the city of the RSF, but it remains closed to this day.
The RSF, which has not commented on Sunday's attack, has in recent weeks attacked power stations in army-controlled locations in central and northern Sudan, causing power cuts and raising speculation that the paramilitary might take the fighting to parts of Sudan that had not been touched by the war.
The recent spate of drone attacks followed the RSF's withdrawal from the sprawling, Nile-side capital and appear to make good on pledges by RSF commanders that no place in Sudan would be safe from the paramilitary.
Sudan's civil war, the latest in a series of domestic conflicts to plague Sudan since independence nearly 70 years ago, broke out when months of tension between the army and RSF, led by Gen Mohamed Dagalo, turned into open conflict. Both generals profess to be fighting for Sudan's democracy and prosperity.
The army controls the capital as well as north, east and central Sudan, while the RSF controls most of the vast western Darfur region and parts of Kordofan to the south-west and the south.
The war has left tens of thousands dead and displaced at least 13 million people. About 26 million in Sudan, more than half the population, face acute hunger, with pockets of famine surfacing across the vast, Afro-Arab nation.
The war, according to experts, carries the potential of turning into a regional conflict, drawing in some of Sudan's neighbours, like Chad, South Sudan and Libya.
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Middle East Eye
2 days ago
- Middle East Eye
'There is real fear': How Israel's attack on Iran enabled an assault on press freedoms
Journalists working in Israel are facing harassment, violence and ever-tightening restrictions on their ability to report as a result of military censorship powers reinforced by tough new restrictions imposed during last month's war with Iran. Palestinian journalists in Israel say they have borne the brunt of the latest crackdown on press freedoms, with some describing being attacked by police or hostile mobs as they worked. Israel's military censor has sweeping powers, requiring both domestic and international media organisations to seek its approval on stories related to matters of national security. Earlier this year, +972 magazine reported that Israel had seen an "unprecedented spike" in the use of military censorship powers in 2024, citing data collected annually by the magazine since 2011. It said the censor last year banned the publication of 1,635 articles and censored a further 6,265, intervening in an average of 21 news stories per day, and in about 38 percent of more than 20,000 stories submitted for review. New MEE newsletter: Jerusalem Dispatch Sign up to get the latest insights and analysis on Israel-Palestine, alongside Turkey Unpacked and other MEE newsletters Haggai Mattar, the executive director of +972, told Middle East Eye: "There is nothing like this in other countries that define themselves as liberal and democratic." Israel this year dropped from 101st to 112th in the annual World Press Freedom Index compiled by Reporters Without Borders (RSF), with RSF warning that journalists had faced "intensified repression" since the start of the war on Gaza. Israel's war on Gaza 'worst ever conflict' for journalists: Report Read More » RSF also accused Israel of "annihilating journalism" in Palestine, which it said had become "the world's most dangerous state for journalists", citing the killing of almost 200 journalists in Gaza by Israeli forces. Last month, the censor's office issued a flurry of new guidelines further limiting journalists' ability to report, most notably restrictions requiring media organisations to seek written authorisation to report from missile impact sites and potentially criminalising journalists who did not abide by the new rules. These restrictions were condemned by the Union of Journalists in Israel, which represents both Israeli and Palestinian journalists accredited inside Israel, as "the latest nail in the coffin of press freedom in Israel". International press freedom organisations also expressed alarm. Anthony Bellanger, general secretary of the International Federation of Journalists, said: "This wave of assaults and censorship against Palestinian Israeli and foreign journalists in Israel is deeply alarming. Journalists must be allowed to report freely and safely." Broadcasts taken off air Razi Tatour, a Palestinian journalist from the Galilee region who holds an Israeli press card, told MEE he had faced days of harassment while trying to report on the Iranian attacks for Jordan's Alghad TV news network. In one incident, he had gone with a television crew to a residential building damaged by an air strike near Tel Aviv, accompanying journalists from Kan, Israel's national broadcasting corporation. Initially, the crew were allowed access, alongside their Israeli press colleagues. But when a police officer heard him speaking Arabic, Tatour said, the mood quickly changed. "He immediately attacked me, trying to cover the camera and trying to scare me. Then they told us to leave." Tatour and his crew left the area. They set up their equipment nearby and started broadcasting live. Tatour was then approached by more police officers who asked him who he was working for. "I told them I was on air and that I had a press card. But they refused to listen and called in forces to cut the cable and take us off air." The police officers had also called them "terrorists", Tatour said, which he feared risked inciting crowds gathered at the scene. Their equipment was confiscated and only returned to them four hours later. The next day, Tatour was broadcasting again from a hotel room overlooking the northern city of Haifa when police burst in. "They stormed the room and stopped the broadcast," he said. "They claimed we were filming in an illegal place and that we had bypassed the military censor and were providing information to the enemy." Tatour said he and a number of others working for Arab news organisations were detained for around three hours, and their equipment was again confiscated. 'Freedom of the press is no longer constitutionally guaranteed as a right but is rather conditional on national identity and discipline' - Anton Shalhat, chair of I'lam Media Center "They accused me of working with Hezbollah, that the footage had reached websites affiliated with Hezbollah. They threatened to arrest me, but there was no arrest." The next morning, Tatour received a phone call summoning him to the police station in Haifa. "In the end, there was nothing. They explained the censor's instructions and said we were prohibited from covering Haifa. To this day, our cameras are still being held." Tatour told MEE he believed his experiences were part of a systematic policy on the part of the Israeli government to intimidate journalists. "Civil society organisations, human rights groups and journalists' unions may support us legally and in court, but they cannot really protect us. That's the reality," he said. "There is fear, real fear, among journalistic crews, and that fear is intentional. We were made an example of. It was an attempt to intimidate all the other journalists in the country." In other cases, journalists have complained of being prevented by police from reaching the sites of rocket and missile strikes. Following a ballistic missile strike on the town of Rishon Lezion, near Tel Aviv, which killed two people and injured dozens more, journalists from Saudi Arabia's Al Arabiya network, as well as Turkish and Egyptian networks, said they had been refused access when attempting to visit the area. Creating an 'internal enemy' Anton Shalhat, the chair of I'lam Media Center, which supports Palestinian journalists working in Israel, told MEE that at least 30 Palestinian journalists had reported facing disruption while trying to report during the days of Iranian air strikes targeting Israeli towns and cities. These included being subjected to physical assaults, threats and intimidation, and the confiscation of equipment, Shalhat said. While police were responsible for many of these incidents, Shalhat said that journalists had also reported being threatened and assaulted by mobs emboldened by a permissive environment "that allows for violations of the law as long as the target is an Arab journalist". The ability to work as a journalist in Israel, he added, was now linked to "ethnic affiliation and presumed loyalty". "Freedom of the press is no longer constitutionally guaranteed as a right but is rather conditional on national identity and discipline," he said. Some Israeli journalists observe that harassment of colleagues working for Arab media organisations has also increased since the government banned Qatar-based Al Jazeera from reporting inside Israel in May last year. "After closing Al Jazeera, they needed to create an internal enemy," said Oren Ziv, a photographer and reporter for Local Call, a Hebrew-language news site. British Jewish journalists call for Israel to allow media access to Gaza Read More » "In my opinion, the harassment of Arab journalists is not related to censorship or security, but to the exploitation of censorship." Ziv said photographers had been put in danger by an assault on press freedoms led by National Security Minister Itamar Ben Gvir and Communications Minister Shlomo Karhi. "They gave a licence to every citizen, every guard, every police officer and every volunteer in the police to harass and bully photographers," he said. "Not only Arab and Palestinian photographers who work in the field but also foreign photographers and even Israeli photographers." Ziv added that a climate of fear and the growing weight of reporting restrictions meant that many journalists and photographers were now more inclined to self-censor their work. "You have these very confusing guidelines; you need to check before you release photos and check what others are doing, and of course, it is discouraging." In some cases, he said, even when Israeli photographers had been given permission to take photos, they had been unable to do so because of police harassment. "They say: 'You are leftists and you serve Iran. Don't take photos here.' There is a broader move that everyone is an enemy and everyone needs to be silenced, and it doesn't matter who you are. "But without a doubt, the Arab journalists and photographers are the first to pay the price."

Zawya
4 days ago
- Zawya
Mass atrocities against civilians continue in El Fasher, Sudan
Fighting between warring parties is creating a desperate situation for civilians in El Fasher, Sudan, and its surrounding areas. MSF's new report exposes systematic patterns of violence in the area, that includes looting, mass killings, sexual violence, abductions, and starvation. MSF urges the warring parties to spare civilians and grant access for humanitarian organisations to provide critical aid to people in need. Mass atrocities are underway in Sudan's North Darfur region, Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) warned in a report today, urging the warring parties of the conflict in Sudan to halt indiscriminate and ethnically targeted violence and facilitate an immediate large-scale humanitarian response. While daily fighting in El Fasher is already putting lives at risk, MSF is extremely concerned about the threats of a full-blown assault on the hundreds of thousands of people in the city. As fighting has intensified in the area since May 2024, civilians have continued to be the main victims. The report, Besieged, Attacked, Starved, outlines a desperate situation for civilians in and around El Fasher that requires immediate attention and response. 'People are not only caught in indiscriminate heavy fighting between the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) and the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and their respective allies – but also actively targeted by the RSF and its allies, notably on the basis of their ethnicity,' says Michel Olivier Lacharité, MSF head of emergencies. Based on MSF data, direct observations and over 80 interviews conducted between May 2024 and May 2025 with patients and people who were displaced from El Fasher and nearby Zamzam camp, the report exposes systematic patterns of violence that includes looting, mass killings, sexual violence, abductions, starvation and attacks against markets, health facilities, and other civilian infrastructure. 'As patients and communities tell their stories to our teams and asked us to speak out, while their suffering is hardly on the international agenda, we felt compelled to document these patterns of relentless violence that have been crushing countless lives in general indifference and inaction over the past year,' says Mathilde Simon, MSF's humanitarian affairs advisor. Besieged, Attacked, Starved also details how the RSF and their allies conducted a large-scale ground offensive in April on Zamzam camp for displaced people, located outside of El Fasher, which caused an estimated 400,000 people to flee in less than three weeks in appalling conditions. A large portion of the camp's population fled to El Fasher, where they remained trapped, out of reach of humanitarian aid and exposed to attacks and further mass violence. Tens of thousands more escaped to Tawila, about 60 kilometres away, and to camps across the Chadian border, where hundreds of survivors of violence received care from MSF teams. 'In light of the ethnically motivated mass atrocities committed on the Masalit in West Darfur back in June 2023, and of the massacres perpetrated in Zamzam camp in North Darfur, we fear such a scenario will be repeated in El Fasher. This onslaught of violence must stop,' says Simon. Several witnesses report that RSF soldiers spoke of plans to 'clean El Fasher' of its non-Arab community. Since May 2024, the RSF and their allies have besieged El Fasher, Zamzam camp, and other surrounding localities, cutting communities off from food, water, and medical care. This has contributed to the spread of famine and debilitated the humanitarian response. Repeated attacks on healthcare facilities forced MSF to end our medical activities in El Fasher in August 2024 and in Zamzam camp in February 2025. In May 2024 alone, health facilities supported by MSF in El Fasher endured at least seven incidents of shelling, bombing or shooting by all warring parties. Indiscriminate airstrikes conducted by the SAF had devastating consequences. 'The SAF bombed our neighbourhood by mistake, then came to apologise. SAF planes sometimes bombed civilian areas without any RSF [presence], I saw it in different places,' says one woman. The harrowing level of violence on the roads out of El Fasher and Zamzam means that many people are trapped or take life-threatening risks when fleeing. Men and boys are at high risk of killing and abduction, while women and girls are subjected to widespread sexual violence. Most witnesses also report increased risks for Zaghawa communities. 'Nobody could get out [of El Fasher] if they said they were Zaghawa,' says a displaced woman. Another man tells us that RSF and its allies were 'asking people if they belonged to the Zaghawa, and if they did, they would kill them'. 'They would only let mothers with small children under the age of five through,' says a woman about her journey fleeing to eastern Chad. 'Other children and adult men didn't go through. Men over fifteen can hardly cross the border [into Chad]. They take them, they push them aside and then we only hear a noise, gunshots, indicating that they are dead, that they have been killed […] Fifty families came along with me. Not even one boy of 15 years old or above was among us.' The catastrophic nutrition situation continued deteriorating as the siege tightened on Zamzam camp. '[Three months ago] in Zamzam, we sometimes had three days a week without eating,' one man tells our teams. 'Children died from malnutrition. We were eating ambaz [residue of peanuts ground for oil], like everyone, although usually it's used for animals,' says a displaced woman. 'Zamzam was completely blocked,' another displaced person tells us. 'Water wells depend on fuel and there was no access to fuel, so all of them stopped working. Water was very limited and very expensive.' MSF urges the warring parties to spare civilians and respect their obligations under international humanitarian law. The RSF and their allies must immediately stop ethnic violence perpetrated against non-Arab communities, lift the siege of El Fasher, and guarantee safe routes for civilians fleeing violence. Safe unrestricted access to El Fasher and its surroundings must be granted for humanitarian agencies to provide critically needed assistance. International actors, including UN institutions and members states, and states who provide support to the warring parties must urgently mobilise and exert pressure to prevent further mass violence and allow emergency aid delivery. The recent unilateral announcements of a possible local ceasefire have not yet been translated into concrete change on the ground, and time is running out. Distributed by APO Group on behalf of Médecins sans frontières (MSF).


Middle East Eye
4 days ago
- Middle East Eye
Egypt hosts secret talks between Sudan's Burhan and Libya's Haftar in bid to mend ties, sources say
Egypt hosted direct talks between Sudan's army chief and de-facto leader Abdel Fattah al-Burhan and Libya's eastern commander Khalifa Haftar this week, in a bid to mediate between two allies on opposing sides of Sudan's war, multiple sources told Middle East Eye. Underscoring the sensitive nature of the talks, the Egyptian government released separate photos of Egyptian President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi meeting first the Libyan delegation and then the Sudanese delegation in what appeared to be the same room in the Mediterranean coastal city of el-Alamein. Privately, however, Burhan and Haftar, along with their delegations, held face-to-face talks as part of an effort by Sisi to manage tricky relations between two important partners. Egypt backs both Burhan, who is fighting a brutal war against the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF), and Haftar, the commander who controls eastern Libya. According to a Sudanese intelligence source, the meeting between the two leaders did not go well. New MEE newsletter: Jerusalem Dispatch Sign up to get the latest insights and analysis on Israel-Palestine, alongside Turkey Unpacked and other MEE newsletters Extremely worried by the prospect of Sudan's war spilling over into Egypt and by the disruption of trade in the volatile triangle border region that takes in Libya, Sudan and Egypt, Sisi was hoping to broker a peace deal between Burhan and Haftar. Instead, the Sudanese army chief accused the eastern Libyan commander of smuggling weapons to the RSF, and of working with the United Arab Emirates to assist the paramilitary of General Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo in other ways, the sources said. Haftar, who had one of his sons with him, denied the accusations. Burhan told him that he was not being honest, and that the Sudanese had proof of his involvement. The Sudanese delegation mentioned that Sadeeq Haftar, Khalifa's son, had been in Sudan before the war began in April 2023, and had met with Dagalo, the RSF chief better known as Hemeti. Days after the war began on 15 April, MEE reported that Sadeeq had flown to Khartoum on a private jet and donated $2m to a football club connected to Hemeti, before breaking his fast with the RSF leader at his home in the Sudanese capital. According to the Sudanese intelligence source, the meeting between Burhan and Haftar ended badly, with Sisi also not happy about the conversation. Border trouble Sudan, Libya and Egypt's borders all meet in the vast, lawless, triangle desert region. When fighting between Burhan's army and the RSF first erupted in 2023, Haftar sent military supplies by truck and planes to the RSF. Those supplies tapered off as the RSF turned to a more convenient route through neighbouring Chad. Egypt asks US to pressure Libya's Haftar not to back Turkey maritime deal Read More » More recently, forces in southern Libya loyal to Haftar joined the RSF in attacking border posts controlled by the Sudanese army. The RSF's seizure of the border triangle alarmed Cairo. Now, the Sudanese intelligence source said, the RSF had taken over Maaten al-Sarra airbase in the Kufra district of southern Libya. This base is integral to the supply of weapons to the paramilitary in Sudan and to the export of gold out of the country from the mines of Darfur, which are owned and controlled by the Dagalo family. Egyptian officials have blamed Haftar's youngest son, Saddam, for the raid in the triangle region. Saddam serves as chief of staff in his father's army and controls militias, including Islamists, in southern Libya. He is increasingly seen as the successor to his 81-year-old father and has been courting support in Washington and Ankara. An Egyptian analyst, who requested anonymity to discuss a sensitive subject, told MEE that "the problem is the relationship between Saddam Haftar and the RSF. Khalifa is losing power as he gets older, and this power is now divided up among his three sons." "Egypt has a hold on the relationship with Sadeeq Haftar internally and inside Libya," the source said, "but not the other two sons, Saddam and Khaled, who run the Islamist groups that work with the RSF on the border." According to the sources, both Saddam and Khaled Haftar attended the meeting with Sisi. Egypt's director of general intelligence service, Major-General Hassan Rashad, was also at the talks. Egypt, Libya, Sudan Egypt has played an outsized role in Libya since the Nato-led ousting of longtime ruler Muammar Gaddafi in 2011. The country descended into civil war, which became a proxy conflict with Russia, the UAE, Egypt and France backing Haftar and Turkey supporting a rival government in western Libya. RSF advance on Libyan border marks new phase in spread of Sudan's war Read More » Like in Libya, Sudan's ruler Omar al-Bashir was overthrown in 2019, having taken power in 1989. Four years later, fighting broke out between Burhan's army and the RSF, a paramilitary once loyal to Bashir and allied to the army. Egypt supports Burhan and his army, though this support is, for the most part, just logistical. At the onset of the conflict, Egyptian pilots flew planes supporting Sudanese army operations against the RSF. The longstanding relations between Egypt and Sudan's armies and its support for Burhan in Sudan's ongoing war have been a problem for relations between Cairo and its powerful Gulf ally, the UAE, which is the RSF's main patron. External monitors have documented military shipments emanating from the UAE to the RSF. Yale's Humanitarian Research Lab recently reported that Chinese-made drones 'consistent with FH-95s' bought by the UAE had been flown into RSF-controlled Darfur. In May, Amnesty International found that the UAE, which continues to deny supporting the RSF, was sending Chinese-made weaponry, including GB50A guided bombs and 155mm AH-4 howitzers, into Darfur despite an ongoing UN arms embargo. Gold continues to flow out of the Dagalo family's lucrative gold mines in Darfur, with Hemeti stashing much of his wealth in Dubai. Some of the gold also finds its way to Russia, which is continuing to play both sides in Sudan's war - the Russian government offers support to Burhan's army while the Africa Corps, the successor to the Wagner Group, continues its partnership with the RSF. Sudan and Libya underscore the convoluted web of alliances and counter-alliances that have come to define the region since leaders like Gaddafi and later Bashir were removed from power. The old ideological faultiness that emerged in the post-2011 Arab Spring era have become murkier. Egypt and the UAE both supported Haftar in 2019 in his bid to conquer Tripoli, the seat of Libya's internationally recognised government. At the time, the RSF sent fighters to bolster Haftar's ranks. Haftar still enjoys support from the UAE, but Saddam Haftar has been courting Qatar and Turkey more recently - two of the UAE's traditional foes. Likewise, cash-strapped Egypt has received billions of dollars in investments from the UAE and continues to back Haftar, but is opposed to the RSF.