
'Modern Japan's Place in World History: From Meiji to Reiwa'
With contributions from 14 leading Japanese historians, the book zeroes in on critical junctures — wars, diplomacy, economy, and identity — with both empirical rigor and philosophical depth.
The project began as a series of lectures conducted at the ruling Liberal Democratic Party headquarters from December 2015 to July 2018. They were part of a group established at the time to commemorate the 60th anniversary of the founding of the LDP (p vii). Called the "Study History, Consider the Future Group," it comprised politicians and scholars. A Japanese version of the compilation was published first in 2019, followed by this English version in 2023. Emperor Meiji Emperor Naruhito
The editors organized the volume in a broadly chronological sequence, anchoring each chapter to a decisive historical turning point. While there are no subsections to the 15 chapters (including an Introduction and Afterword), key themes include: Meiji Restoration and Westernization
Exploring Meiji's early drive toward bunmei-kaika (civilization and enlightenment), the essays show how Japan selectively emulated Western models in education, governance, and industry — not merely copying, but synthesizing new forms of identity and statehood. Imperial Wars and Expansion
Chapters on the First Sino-Japanese War, Russo-Japanese War, and Manchurian Crisis examine how military victories and territorial ambitions reshaped national confidence and global perception, establishing Japan as an imperial power.
The interconnected narratives of World War I and World War II illustrate how global conflicts forced Japan into alliance systems, total war, and ultimately, collapse. These provide raw material for the book's central inquiry: how Japan moved from aggressor to ally. Postwar Reconstruction and United States Occupation
Reflective essays cover economic revival under American oversight, constitutional reform, and the paradigm shift from imperial empire to pacifist democracy — laying the groundwork for Japan's new alignment in the Asia-Pacific. Japan–China Relations & Regional Diplomacy
The editors dedicate thoughtful space to the normalization of diplomatic ties in the 1970s, and the evolving Sino-Japanese relationship — from Cold War tensions through modern interdependence. Contemporary Japan in Global Context
These concluding essays consider Japan's role in globalization, decolonization, and multilateral institutions, into the Reiwa era. They touch on soft power, technological influence, and ongoing identity negotiations.
Modern Japan's Place in History shines through its integration of fresh research and historiographical self-reflection. The Japanese contributors challenge traditional Western-centered narratives. For example: The Meiji modernization is reframed as Japan crafting a hybridized identity, not merely West-mimicking, but West-informed innovation.
Imperial military actions are analyzed in light of domestic political struggles and emergent pan-Asian ideologies.
The postwar occupation is revisited not as a unilateral imposition, but as a negotiated transformation with shared, though unequal, agency.
By weaving global history with Japanese perspectives, the book achieves a conceptual unity: Japan has been inseparable from the world — sometimes leading, sometimes following, and always adapting
There are several strengths to the book, including:
Each essay connects Japanese domestic developments to international forces, reinforcing the thesis that Japan has never been historically insular.
With fourteen specialists — including editors Yamauchi (Musashino University / University of Tokyo) and Hosoya (Keio University), who each wrote chapters — the book guarantees scholarly depth from an entirely Japanese perspective.
At 211 pages, it's condensed yet wide-ranging, suitable for scholars, students, and informed lay readers.
Open access publication lowers barriers, facilitating global scholarly engagement. This is particularly valuable in current debates on intellectual equity.
Introduction (Yuichi Hosoya)
First Chapter: The Meiji Restoration as a Constitutional Revolution (Kazuhiro Takii)
Second Chapter: The First Sino-Japanese War and East Asia (Takashi Okamoto)
Third Chapter: The Russo-Japanese War and Modern International Society (Yuichi Hosoya)
Fourth Chapter: World War I and the Origin of the Sino-Japanese Conflict (Soichi Naraoka)
Fifth Chapter: Transformational Period in Japan-China Modern Relations (Shin Kawashima)
Sixth Chapter: The Manchurian Incident and Party Cabinets (Michihiko Kobayashi)
Seventh Chapter: Disarmament Conferences and a Crisis of Diplomacy in the Interwar Period (Ken Kotani)
Eighth Chapter: The Southward Advance and Going to War with the United States (Atsushi Moriyama)
Ninth Chapter: US Policy for the Occupation of Japan and Changes to It (Ayako Kusunoki)
Tenth Chapter: Law and Politics in the Tokyo Trial (Yoshinobu Higurashi)
Eleventh Chapter: Japanese Colonial Rule and the Issue of Perceptions of History (Kan Kimura)
Twelfth Chapter: Postwar Japan-China Relations (Masaya Inoue)
Thirteenth Chapter: The Issue of Historical Perspective from the Post-Heisei Era (Hiroshi Nakanishi)
Afterword: Japan's Modern History: A Reiwa Era Perspective (Masayuki Yamauchi)
In publishing in English, the editors clearly hoped the book would reach an international audience. This is hinted at in the Acknowledgments (p xi) to the English version. They seem to have in mind fellow students of modern Japan as the main audience. Additionally, this book will likely interest non-specialists curious about Japanese modern history, who will appreciate its accessible essays and rich historical arcs, as well as scholars exploring global history, war and diplomacy, cultural imperialism, and postcolonial studies. In short, the writing balances academic rigor with broader readability. The global framing helps those less versed in Japanese specifics. Book cover
Title: Modern Japan's Place in World History From Meiji to Reiwa
Editors: Masayuki Yamauchi, Yuichi Hosoya
Publisher: Springer Nature, 2023
ISBN-10 : 9811995923
ISBN-13 : 978-9811995927
Additional Information: This is an Open Access book. It is available to readers for free on the publisher's website. It is also available in softcover or hardback versions, at a cost, from the publisher or through online booksellers.
Reviewed by Robert D Eldridge
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Japan Forward
5 hours ago
- Japan Forward
Why the Famous Hiroshima Cenotaph's Wording Concerned Justice Pal
The inscription "Let all the souls here rest in peace; for we shall not repeat the evil" appears on the Cenotaph for the Victims of the Atomic Bomb in Hiroshima Peace Memorial Park. Decades ago, Indian jurist Radhabinod Pal (1886–1967) raised concerns about the inscription. He argued that the wording was misleading, as it could be interpreted to suggest that the Japanese were responsible for the atomic bombing. His criticism contributed to the creation of a second cenotaph in Hiroshima. A few hundred meters east of the Hiroshima Peace Memorial Park, across a main avenue, stands the gate of Honsho-ji Temple, founded more than 400 years ago. In front of the temple is a stone pillar inscribed in Japanese: "Memorial Monument by Dr Radhabinod Pal, Judge Representing India at the Tokyo Trials." Cenotaph for the Victims of the Atomic Bomb in Hiroshima Peace Memorial Park. (Photo ©Sankei by Koki Yata) The International Military Tribunal for the Far East, also known as the Tokyo Trial (1946–1948), was established to prosecute leaders of the former Empire of Japan for war crimes. Justice Pal was the only judge who found all the defendants not guilty. He rejected what he saw as victors' justice motivated by revenge. In November 1952, just a few years later, Pal visited Hiroshima to attend the Asian Congress of the World Federalist Movement. While there, he offered flowers and a silent prayer at the cenotaph. When he read the inscription, Pal asked his interpreter, Nair, several times to clarify its meaning. His expression, marked by both doubt and anger, revealed his discomfort. According to Justice Pal: Declaration of Peace , a Japanese book compiling Pal's lectures, academic writings, and a travel account by his companion Masaaki Tanaka, Pal questioned who the phrase "we shall not repeat the evil" was referring to. He emphasized that the bomb had not been dropped by Japan and said he could accept the message only if it clearly identified the responsible party and included a personal vow not to repeat the act. Indian jurist, Dr Radhabinod Pal Pal also criticized the inscription's vague wording. He felt it failed to clearly distinguish between the perpetrators of the bombing and its victims, saying it neither offered comfort to those who suffered nor supported the nation's recovery. The inscription had been drafted by Professor Tadayoshi Saika of Hiroshima University. He was a scholar of English literature and an A-bomb survivor. In 1952, then-mayor Shinzo Hamai commissioned him to create a message of prayer and commitment. According to a book published by alumni of the former Hiroshima High School, Saika heard the mayor's request and drafted the inscription that same day. He completed it the next day. The English translation was finalized after discussions with American scholars. The Japanese phrase "過ちは繰返しませぬから" was translated as "For we shall not repeat the evil." The subject — "we" — was intended to refer to all of humanity, not only to the Japanese people. In response to Justice Pal's criticism, Professor Saika sent a rebuttal, arguing that a narrow-minded view could not prevent another tragedy like the atomic bombing. He also included the English translation to clarify his intent. The city of Hiroshima has explained that the term "evil" refers to war itself. However, Pal rejected that interpretation. According to Justice Pal: Declaration of Peace , he believed that Japan was not solely responsible for the war. He argued that its origins lay in Western colonial aggression in Asia. While in Hiroshima, Pal was approached by Yoshiaki Kakei, the 25th head priest of Honsho-ji Temple. Kakei, who had a long-standing friendship with Nair, asked Pal to write an alternative inscription. According to another book by Tanaka, Pal spent a night composing a new epitaph in Bengali. It was later translated into Japanese and engraved on the "Monument to the Tragic Aspiration of Greater East Asia," located on the temple grounds. The "Monument to the Tragic Aspiration of Greater East Asia" on the grounds of Honsho-ji Temple, with Chief Priest Yoshinari Kakei. July 7, Naka Ward, Hiroshima. (©Sankei by Koki Yata) The English version of the inscription reads: "For the peace of those departed souls who took upon themselves the solemn vow at the salvation ceremony of oppressed Asia, 'Oh! Lord thou being in my heart, I do as appointed by you.'" Yoshinobu Kakei, the grandson of the late priest and current head of Honsho-ji, believes the words, though abstract, express remembrance for those who died in war and in the bombing. He also sees it as a statement of pan-Asian solidarity. Pal wrote his inscription in April 1952, just six months after the end of the American occupation of Japan. Yoshinobu reflects that Dr Pal gave voice to thoughts that many Japanese at the time wanted to express but could not. A handwritten inscription draft by Professor Tadashi Saiga of Hiroshima University, held at the Hiroshima City Archives. This draft, created before the final English translation was finalized, renders the phrase in question as "for to repeat the fault we shall cease." (Courtesy of the Archives) The debate over the cenotaph's inscription, sparked by Pal's remarks more than 70 years ago, resurfaced in May 2025 — 80 years after the atomic bombing and the end of World War II. Liberal Democratic Party lawmaker Shoji Nishida reignited the issue, arguing that if the "we" in the inscription is understood to mean the Japanese, its meaning changes completely. The city of Hiroshima has stood by its original interpretation. It maintains that the inscription is a vow made by all people: to honor the victims of the atomic bomb and to never again repeat the tragedy of war. Unveiled on August 6, 1952, the cenotaph was built as part of Hiroshima's reconstruction as a city of peace. It commemorates those who died in the world's first atomic bombing. The central stone chamber contains the registry of victims' names. ( Read the article in Japanese . ) Author: Koki Yata, The Sankei Shimbun


Japan Forward
13 hours ago
- Japan Forward
Sanseito Rising: How History and Identity Fueled a Political Breakthrough
In the Upper House election held on July 20, a newly emerged political party called Sanseito made a significant breakthrough, securing 14 seats. At the same time, the ruling coalition of the Liberal Democratic Party and Komeito fell short of a combined total of 50 seats, losing their majority in the chamber. It was a setback following their 2024 Lower House election defeat. Sanseito's success was a key factor behind the loss of the LDP's majority. It fielded candidates in all 45 constituencies. The party's success warrants closer examination. A fundamental reason for Sanseito's rise, I believe, is rooted in the historical perspective shared by its candidates. Party leader Shohei Kamiya held left-leaning views until high school. However, his outlook expanded significantly during an eight-month backpacking trip through 18 countries when he took a year off in his junior year in college. Like many conservative activists, Kamiya was raised in a conservative family and embraced leftist ideology during his school years. His experiences abroad, however, led him to break away from it and rediscover Japanese history. Kamiya's YouTube channel, CGS (Channel Grand Strategy), has been carrying serious history lessons through courses taught by Mitsuru Kurayama and Takeo Saito. Building on the momentum of these study sessions, Sanseito, established in 2020, has uniquely emphasized the importance of taking pride in Japanese history. It's an approach no other political party has adopted. The party's slogan, "Japanese First," was undoubtedly a key factor in their electoral success. During the campaign, treatment targeting foreigners in Japan unexpectedly became a key issue. For instance, a Chinese national who does not pay resident tax in Japan could start a business in Tokyo and receive an unsecured loan of ¥15 million JPY. They could even be approved for welfare benefits within just three days of arriving in the country. Sohei Kamiya, at the Japan National Press Club. Tokyo, July 2 (©Sankei by Masahiro Sakai). Some paid health insurance premiums for only a short period, yet still received expensive medical treatment. In scholarship programs, foreign students were often given preference over Japanese students. Other growing concerns included the purchase of land by foreigners, the Kurdish issue, and the negative effects of overtourism. Existing political parties were reluctant to address these topics, which led to growing frustration and a sense of helplessness among the Japanese public. As such, "Japanese First" resonated deeply with the Japanese public. It struck a powerful chord with voters. Before the campaign began, Sanseito's low approval ratings for candidates in individual districts indicated their chances of winning were slim. However, once the campaign got underway, their approval ratings surged, with some candidates even becoming strong contenders in their constituencies. This phenomenon was observed across many parts of Japan, clearly demonstrating the impact of the candidates' messages. Sanseito candidates Mizuho Umemura (left) and Saya (from Saya's X account) What made the candidates of this political party so persuasive? Their boldness in addressing taboo topics set them apart, earning attention and support from voters seeking voices that truly speak to their hopes and concerns. Overall, the candidates are young, share the struggles of working-age parents raising children, and connect their policies directly to the realities of everyday life. These qualities deeply resonated with the constituents. But that is not the whole story. The Sanseito has a grassroots community organization, and its study groups for members were far more extensive than those of other parties. With a foundation rooted in a historical perspective that took pride in their country's past, their candidates delivered speeches with genuine conviction and depth, rather than relying on rehearsed talking points. The party also made education a top policy priority and was steadily addressing the issue of history textbooks. I will introduce its activities based on my involvement. Sanseito leader Sohei Kamiya speaks to the press. July 3, Chuo Ward, Tokyo (©Sankei by Shinpei Okuhara) In 2024, Japan conducted its once-every-four-years adoption of junior high school textbooks. During this period, Sanseito's Tokyo Metropolitan Assembly members made notable efforts. In each of their respective districts, they organized numerous study sessions, both large and small, focused on the issues of history textbooks and textbook adoption. I was personally involved in nearly ten of these meetings. Furthermore, Sanseito's local councilors held a press conference to express their commitment to the textbook adoption process. While some members of other parties cooperated individually, no other party worked with the same level of coordination and dedication as the Sanseito. Tsukuru Kai's inaugural press conference in 1996 at the Akasaka Excel Hotel Tokyu. 78 individuals endorsed the group at the event. (©Tsukuru Kai) The Japanese Society for History Textbook Reform (Tsukuru-kai) organized a study tour to Hitachiomiya City in Ibaraki Prefecture. Its public school board was the only one in Japan to adopt the Jiyusha textbook. [Editor's note: The Jiyusha textbook is a history and civics textbook published by Tsukuru-kai] Of the 40 participants on the tour bus, half were local council members, many affiliated with the Sanseito's regional branches. Textbook adoption ultimately hinges on regional government. I envision a future where a young councilor from the Sanseito earns the trust of their community, rises to become chief within five to ten years, and leads the adoption of these textbooks. Author: Nobukatsu Fujioka ( Read this in Japanese )


Japan Forward
15 hours ago
- Japan Forward
New US Electric Vehicle Rules Put Japan's Auto Industry in the Fast Lane
The United States remains the most important export market for Japan's core industry, the automobile sector. In a welcome development, the recently concluded Japan–US tariff negotiations saw tariffs on cars and auto parts reduced from 27.5%, a rate imposed by Donald Trump's administration earlier this spring, down to 15%. This comes as a relief for Japanese automakers, whose profits had been under pressure. Beyond tariffs, shifts in electric vehicle (EV) policy are also working in their favor. On July 4, US Independence Day, President Trump signed into law a sweeping legislative package he dubbed the "One Big Beautiful Bill Act." With that legislation, he reversed the decarbonization policies championed by the Joe Biden administration's "Green Transformation (GX)," under which Biden had promoted EVs with the slogan "the future of the American auto industry is electric." In contrast, Trump remained steadfastly critical of EVs throughout his campaign. He often argued that electric vehicles might be enjoyable at first but soon raise practical concerns, such as where to charge them. Trump characterized EV subsidies as policies that benefit the wealthy and warned that a full shift to electric cars would make the US auto industry dependent on China, putting American jobs at risk. Upon taking office, Trump quickly acted on his campaign promises. He signed an executive order opposing EV mandates and withdrew from the Paris Agreement on climate change. On June 12, he stripped states like California of their authority to ban the sale of new gasoline-powered cars by 2035. This effectively abolished the Zero Emission Vehicle regulations. Currently, about 7% of new car sales in the US are EVs, and nearly 70% of those are Teslas. These are mainly purchased in affluent, environmentally conscious areas like California. A Tesla electric vehicle (EV) and the company's logo. June 2023, Colorado, USA (©AP/Kyodo) Then came the new One Big Beautiful Bill, which will eliminate EV tax credits, $7,500 for new electric vehicles and $4,000 for used ones, starting September 30. In addition, federal registration taxes will impose an annual fee of $250 for electric vehicles and $100 for hybrids. On the other hand, Americans buying domestically produced cars will now be able to deduct part of their auto loan interest from their income taxes. One of the most notable aspects of the new bill is the removal of penalties under the Corporate Average Fuel Economy (CAFE) standards. Under the previous administration, the standards grew stricter every year, penalizing automakers for selling more gasoline vehicles. If manufacturers didn't want to pay the fines, they had to purchase carbon credits from EV companies like Tesla. However, over 90% of American consumers still prefer internal combustion engine vehicles. As a result, both the US Big Three (Ford, General Motors, and Chrysler) and Japanese automakers faced mounting penalties as their sales of gasoline-powered cars increased. Some rushed EV investments to avoid these fines, but their late-to-market EVs struggled to sell. By contrast, companies like Tesla benefited greatly from this system. In fiscal 2024, Tesla earned $2.76 billion in carbon credit revenue, accounting for about 39% of its net profit. Now, that revenue source is set to disappear. As the saying goes, when it rains, it pours. On July 2, Tesla announced that global vehicle deliveries for the April–June 2025 quarter fell 13.5% year-on-year to 384,122 units. This represented a double-digit decline. Sales are stagnating, and EV tax credits are ending. Furthermore, subsidies for charging infrastructure and residential solar battery storage are all being phased out. With carbon credit income now uncertain, the business model that had relied on decarbonization incentives is rapidly collapsing. Trump has made revitalizing the economy through manufacturing a top priority. He has also introduced tariff hikes to bring back the auto industry, along with a return to fossil fuel–based energy, both key promises from his campaign. For EV manufacturers who relied on subsidies and carbon credit revenue amid flagging demand, this is a disaster. In contrast, the new policy offers tailwinds for Japanese automakers, who have strengths in internal combustion engines. Back in 2020, the Japanese government also set a national target of achieving carbon neutrality by 2050 and promoted EVs. However, companies like Toyota stayed grounded in market realities. Had they yielded to political pressure and rushed headlong into full EV adoption, they might now be grappling with sunk investments, significant losses, and widespread job insecurity. Despite being branded by the media as "behind the curve" on EVs, Japanese automakers stuck to their comprehensive, all-weather strategy — and it's now paying off. Sales of Japan's signature hybrid vehicles remain strong, with Japanese brands now commanding 40% of new car sales in the North American market. As the politically driven EV push falters, the future of mobility under the Trump administration is being shaped not by mandates but by consumer choice. Despite the weight of additional tariffs, Japanese automakers are expected to further strengthen their foothold in the region. (Read the article in Japanese .) Author: Koko Kato