Judge: DHS can't cancel scheduled protections for Haitians
July 2 (UPI) -- A federal judge blocked the Trump administration Wednesday from ceasing deportation protections for Haitians before the date set to do so under the Biden administration.
U.S. District Court Judge Brian Cogan ruled U.S. Secretary of Homeland Security Kristi Noem could not issue a revision of a decision by her predecessor that had provided Haitians Temporary Protected Status, or TPS, until February of next year.
The TPS status for Haitians had been extended in July of 2024 for 18 months under former DHS Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas during the Biden administration due to natural catastrophes that included an earthquake, flooding, landslides and a cholera outbreak, but also because of "gang violence, political unrest and corruption," according to Judge Cogan's ruling.
Noem announced last week the protections for Haitians were being terminated and would end as of September 2.
The legal term for Noem's actions is called a "partial vacatur," and Cogan ruled the "partial vacatur of Haiti's TPS designation was unlawful."
However, the partial vacatur has only been postponed, as the judge has also ordered the plaintiffs to "show cause within 14 days why their remaining claims should not be dismissed as moot."
The U.S. State Department currently has a Travel Advisory in place for Haiti that dates back to September of last year which puts the country at a "Do Not Travel" level due to kidnapping, crime, civil unrest, and limited health care."
The department did also post last month that while domestic commercial air travel has resumed in Haiti, American citizens there should only fly out of the country "when they feel it is safe to do so."
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Yahoo
21 minutes ago
- Yahoo
Ghost Factories Are a Warning Sign for Green Manufacturing's Future
(Bloomberg) -- The vast tract of land off Route 85 was meant to be a symbol of Made-in-America manufacturing. A billion-dollar battery factory was going to rise, bringing thousands of new jobs. The business announced, 'Get Ready Arizona,' the governor said the state was thrilled and even the US president gave the project a shoutout. Foreign Buyers Swoop on Cape Town Homes, Pricing Out Locals Trump's Gilded Design Style May Be Gaudy. But Don't Call it 'Rococo.' Massachusetts to Follow NYC in Making Landlords Pay Broker Fees NYC Commutes Resume After Midtown Bus Terminal Crash Chaos What Gothenburg Got Out of Congestion Pricing But here, in the boomtown of Buckeye, less than an hour away from Phoenix, the 214-acre lot sits empty. Work on the site had started, said Shelby Lizarraga, who manages the gas station next door, 'but then it went all quiet.' Four years after the fanfare, battery maker Kore Power Inc. abandoned its plans for a plant in Buckeye. The company's chief executive officer stepped down and a promised $850 million federal loan was cancelled. Kore isn't alone in its dashed ambitions. In Massachusetts, a wind turbine cable factory set to be built on the site of a former coal power plant was scrapped. In Georgia, the construction of a facility that would have made parts for electric vehicle batteries was suspended more than halfway through. And in Colorado, a lithium-ion battery maker said it wouldn't go forward with its factory there, at least for now. They're among the dozens of planned green factories that have been cancelled, with more delayed or downsized, all hit by soaring costs, high interest rates and slow-growing EV demand. About 9% of the $261 billion in green factory investment announced since 2021 has been shelved — most of it since President Donald Trump returned to office in January — according to research firm Atlas Public Policy. Energy Secretary Chris Wright has said his agency doesn't plan to move forward with some of the big-dollar loans that had been made to green manufacturing plants during President Joe Biden's term. Now there's another, major threat to the sector: Trump's massive tax-and-spending package, which rolls back Biden's generous green subsidies. Signed into law by Trump on Friday, it phases out credits for producing solar and wind energy years before they were designed to expire. It also ends federal tax credits for electric vehicles this September instead of in 2032. Under Biden, a Democratic Congress passed the Bipartisan Infrastructure Law in 2021 and the Inflation Reduction Act a year later, setting aside hundreds of billions of dollars in incentives for clean-energy projects. New factories were announced from South Carolina to Michigan to Arizona, set to churn out EVs, batteries and clean-energy parts. Biden and Democrats sought to bring manufacturing back to the US and make the country independent of, and competitive with, fast-electrifying China. Many of the projects would be in red and purple states, shielding the policy against GOP attacks — or so the thinking went. That idea has now collapsed. (Among the members of Congress who voted for Trump's bill was Paul Gosar, a Republican who represents Buckeye.) Trump said at the signing that the country 'is going to be a rocketship economically.' But fallout is likely to include more clean energy projects and the jobs they provide, or could have. Tesla Inc. Chief Elon Musk had lambasted the package on X as 'severely damaging' to 'industries of the future.' The US pulling back now means it will lag other countries that have invested in green technologies, and that will hurt economic growth and boost reliance on overseas manufacturers long term, said Hannah Hess of Rhodium Group, a research firm. 'There's also the risk of stranded investments, a sizable amount,' she said. Lithium-ion battery manufacturers like Kore face strict rules on using foreign components, plus knock-on effects from the solar and EV credit phaseouts. Because of the former, fewer grid batteries will be installed over the next decade, according to the research group Energy Innovation. The demise of the EV credit will likely dent consumer appetite for electric vehicles — and by extension, demand for the batteries they run on. Buckeye — a former farming town named by settlers from Ohio — is a hotbed of building activity. Close to the Kore site is the suburban sprawl that's come to characterize the Phoenix area's rapid growth. Concrete is being poured in foundations and piles of rebar are stacked on construction sites, where tracts of desert are being transformed into new neighborhoods. Executives at Kore had scoured 300 sites across the country before settling on Buckeye. Land was cheap, it was close to major West Coast ports and Arizona's dry climate wouldn't impair the chemistry of lithium-ion batteries. The company announced its factory in 2021, planning to start construction that year and roll out batteries in 2023. It would be Buckeye's biggest employer, creating 3,000 jobs. But as executives drew up construction plans, inflation hiked costs, while rising interest rates made financing more expensive. And the project got mired in the same slow permitting that stalls projects nationwide. Costs swelled to $1.25 billion from $1 billion, so the company made adjustments to control expenses — even downsizing the factory — and worked aggressively to keep the project alive, Kore's current CEO Jay Bellows said in a telephone interview. 'We were trying to move as fast as we could,' Bellows said. 'But ultimately, the costs were just really high.' The battery maker later got a loan commitment from the Energy Department. Kore ended up getting approvals to move forward with construction in 2024, almost a year after it had wanted to start producing batteries. And then uncertainty loomed over the fate of federal green incentives if Trump were to win the election. In Buckeye's city hall, about 10 minutes away from Kore's site, Mayor Eric Orsborn sensed that things were amiss. The project's timeline kept getting longer and delays dragged out. 'Things slipped a little bit more, a little bit more,' he said in an interview in his office. Kore then said it was ending its plans to build in Buckeye, 10 days after Trump was sworn in. It's one of 53 out of 715 green factories announced since 2021 that have been cancelled, according to Atlas Public Policy. The outlook for green enterprises has darkened as policy shifts unsettle manufacturers, with EV makers feeling it the most, said Matt Shanahan of Marathon Capital, an investment bank focused on the energy transition. 'The rules have changed,' he said. The pace of cancellations and delays depends on how the market reacts to the law, he added, but early-stage projects are especially at risk. 'To break ground on a new facility — I think it's very challenging right now.' Energy storage may remain more resilient thanks to surging data center demand, he said. Kore is now on the hunt for an existing building to move into, with power and infrastructure in place so it can save money and get to market faster, Bellows said. Looking back, he said he learned the need to move more quickly and efficiently. The company tried, he said, but 'it's a long, arduous process' to go from dirt to a fully operating factory. Even so, other green facilities in the region are forging ahead. In Queen Creek, another fast-growing community that's about 80 miles to the west of Buckeye, construction is underway on a $3 billion EV battery facility by LG Energy Solution. Cranes tower over the sprawling site, while bulldozers kick up plumes of desert dust as forklifts scuttle by. The project has faced its own challenges — construction was paused for some time last year as the company scrapped plans for a bigger plant. But now the factory is set to open next year, and LG plans to employ 1,500 workers there by 2027. The company said in an April press release that it aims to contribute to a 'local battery ecosystem' and that it will hire locally. 'It's a manufacturing powerhouse,' Queen Creek Mayor Julia Wheatley said in an interview, adding that the town is seeing strong interest from companies looking to move near the plant. On a Monday in late June, the empty Kore plot scorched in 100F-plus heat. Nearby, desert gave way to parcels of farmland, discount stores and palm-tree-lined neighborhoods. Dairy cows took shade from the heat, while trucks stacked with hay bales hurtled by. Across the road, Joe Skoog, who runs a trucking company, said he would have liked to have pitched his business to Kore had the factory gone ahead. But he didn't see the cancellation as much of a setback for the growing region. 'Come back in five, 10 years' time, and there will be more manufacturers and warehouses, and fewer farms,' he said. Orsborn, Buckeye's mayor, said he was disappointed, but not disheartened. He enthused about Buckeye's population boom, fueled by Californian transplants, the big-box retailers and movie theaters opening up and how Kore's shovel-ready site — with power, water and infrastructure now installed — is now even more attractive for other businesses that want to move in. 'Maybe another green energy one will,' he said. 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an hour ago
- The Hill
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an hour ago
'This Week' Transcript 7-6-25: Chairman of the White House Council of Economic Advisers Stephen Miran, former Treasury Secretary Larry Summers and Dr. Richard Besser
A rush transcript of "This Week with George Stephanopoulos" airing on Sunday, July 6, 2024 on ABC News is below. This copy may not be in its final form, may be updated and may contain minor transcription errors. For previous show transcripts, visit the "This Week" transcript archive. STEPHANOPOULOS: Want to get more on this now from former Treasury Secretary Larry Summers. Also the former president of Harvard University. Larry, thank you for joining us this morning. In "The New York Times" this week, you and Robert Rubin, who also served as president -- as Treasury secretary, called this bill dangerous, said it 'posed a huge risk to the economy.' What are those risks? FORMER TREASURY SECRETARY LARRY SUMMERS: George, just to start with, what your people have been describing is the biggest cut in the American safety net in history. The Yale Budget Lab estimates that it will kill, over 10 years, 100,000 people. That is 2,000 days of death like we've seen in Texas this weekend. In my 70 years, I've never been as embarrassed for my country on July 4th. These higher interest rates, these cutbacks in subsidies to electricity, these reductions in the availability of housing, the fact that hospitals are going to have to take care of these people and pass on the costs to everybody else, and that's going to mean more inflation, more risk that the Fed has to raise interest rates and run the risk of recession, more stagflation, that's the risk facing every middle-class family in our country because of this bill. And for what? A million dollars over 10 years to the top tenth of a percent of our population. Is that the highest priority use of federal money right now? I don't think so. This is a shameful act by our Congress and by our president that is going to set our country back. STEPHANOPOULOS: Part of the president's argument is that economic growth sparked by the bill will alleviate the dangers that you talk about here. The chair of the Council of Economic Advisers is up next, and his council issued a report this week projecting $11 trillion in deficit reduction from growth, higher tax revenue and savings on debt payments. How do you respond to that? SUMMERS: It is respectfully nonsense. None of us can forecast what's going to happen to economic growth. What we can forecast is that when people have to hold government debt instead of being able to invest it in new capital goods, new machinery, new buildings, that makes the economy less productive. What we can forecast is that when we're investing less in research and development, investing less in our schools, that there is a negative impact on economic growth. There is no economist anywhere, without a strong political agenda, who is saying that this bill is a positive for the economy. And the overwhelming view is that it is probably going to make the economy worse. Think about it this way. How long can the world's greatest debtor remain the world's greatest power? And this is piling more debt onto the economy than any piece of tax legislation in dollar terms that we have ever had. STEPHANOPOULOS: But, Larry, as you know, experts in the past have raised alarm bells about the deficits, and the economy seems pretty resilient in the face of that. SUMMERS: George, the best period we have had in the economy was the economy that -- was the period that Secretary Rubin and I wrote about when we served President Clinton and by acting responsibly on the deficit by listening to the CBO rather than expressing contempt for it, we reduced the deficit, set off a virtual -- virtues circle of increased investment, more growth, lower deficits, lower interest rates, and then around the cycle again. Experts warn about risks. And I can't tell you whether the financial crisis is going to come this year or whether the financial crisis is going to come five years from now. And I'm not going to do cry wolf rhetoric. By the way, I was the one who was saying for a decade after 2010 that deficit reduction didn't need to be a national priority. But anybody who looks at the numbers sees that we've never had deficits remotely like this or the prospect of debts remotely like this at a moment when the economy was strong and we were at peace anytime in our history. This is a risk that we don't need to run, and for what? To give $1 million a year to the top-tenth of a percent while, in effect, sentencing 100,000 poor Americans to death over the next 10 years because they can't get access to necessary medical procedures, because they can't get driven to a hospital, because their family members can't get supported? This is just wrong. STEPHANOPOULOS: Finally -- SUMMERS: Look, there are lots of things, George, that you argue about, and Democrats, Republicans have different perspectives. This is that very rare instance where everybody outside of a mainstream sees something very dangerous happen. STEPHANOPOULOS: Finally, the president's team argued that tariff revenue is going to help make up some of the shortfall. What's your response? SUMMERS: Yeah, it probably will collect some revenue at the cost of higher inflation for American consumers, less competitiveness for American producers. 60 times as many people use -- work in industries that use steel as work in the steel industry, and every one of them is less competitive because of the president's tariffs. So, higher prices, less competitiveness, and not really that much revenue relative to what's being given to the very wealthy in this bill. STEPHANOPOULOS: Larry Summers, thanks very much. STEPHANOPOULOS: Let's get more on the health care impact now from our former colleague, Dr. Richard Besser, president of the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation. Rich, thank you for joining us this morning. Your -- your organization said this legislation is going to devastate the U.S. health care system. Spell out why you believe that. DR. RICHARD BESSER, FORMER CDC ACTING DIRECTOR & ROBERT WOOD JOHNSON PRESIDENT AND CEO: Yes, I mean, George, the -- the -- the -- the piece we just heard laid out some of that. This is the biggest cut to federal support to health care in history. A trillion dollars coming out of that, you know, and it will reverse generations of improvement we had been making in terms of getting people access to health care. The Congressional Budget Office says that over 11 million people will lose access to health care. I worked in community clinics for over 30 years, and in those clinics, some patients had Medicaid and some had no insurance. And I saw the struggle that people would make to determine, 'Should I come in for my health care,' 'Should I pay for my medications,' or, 'Should I use that money for rent, to put food on the table?' This bill will make it so much harder and will put so many more people in that position. STEPHANOPOULOS: Defenders of the president's plan said that the CBO, the Congressional Budget Office, as you just cited, has a history of overestimating the coverage cuts, and that most states will find workarounds to these work requirements. How do you respond to that? BESSER: Well, you know, we have an example. Arkansas tried work requirements -- the idea that anyone who should be able to work should work to get benefits. And what they found was that the number of people working didn't go up at all, but over 11,000 people lost their Medicaid insurance. And it not only affects those individuals, which is bad enough, but rural hospitals across America depend on Medicaid dollars to stay in existence. It's predicted that there could be hundreds of rural hospitals that close. Those hospitals are also a driver for businesses. Businesses don't want to move into a community without a hospital. There are so many repercussions of this bill. I don't know how someone can go back to their district and face the people who voted for them after they intentionally are causing so much pain and harm across our nation. STEPHANOPOULOS: Beyond the cuts on Medicaid, there are also some changes for -- to those who are covered by the Affordable Care Act and the overall impact on health insurance costs. What should we expect? BESSER: Well, you know, this -- we all know that the Affordable Care Act wasn't the end game. We're the only wealthy nation in which not every person who lives here has access to health care, but the Affordable Care Act moved us in that direction. But this does nothing to help people who have health insurance but are finding it too expensive. This makes it harder in terms of not providing people with the -- with the extra supplement to help pay for their insurance. So, we're going to see more and more people who are not able to get the care that they need. And what that leads to is that people who were healthy become unhealthy and become unable to work. People with disabilities in particular can be hit hard. One-third of people with disabilities get Medicaid and it helps keep people healthy with disabilities so they can work. That's going to be -- that's going to be a challenge with this. STEPHANOPOULOS: How can organizations like yours fill the gap? BESSER: Well, we can't. What we can do is work with others to put forward a vision of what should be. We should be a nation in which every single person has access to high quality, comprehensive, affordable health care. We're going to be working on that. We're going to be putting forward that message. But we cannot fill the gap from what the government is doing. And there's an assault on health care that's coming from all sides. You know, this bill is doing it to the health care system, to food support. We're seeing it with our secretary of health who's doing it to our vaccine system. There are so many assaults. The National Institutes of Health, which is where our cures and future treatments come from, they're under assault. You know, it's hard to pick one of these, and philanthropy cannot fill those gaps, but we can use our voice to call out the concerns that we see for health broadly across our nation. STEPHANOPOULOS: Rich Besser, thanks very much. STEPHANOPOULOS: Let's get a response now from Stephen Miran, the Chair of the White House Council of Economic Advisers. Steve, thanks for coming in this morning. You just heard Mr. Summers right there. He starts out saying the bill is dangerous, huge risks. STEPHEN MIRAN, CHAIR, WHITE HOUSE COUNCIL OF ECONOMIC ADVISERS: Thanks for having me. Look, I think that there's been a lot of -- a lot of doom mongering, a lot of scare mongering, and this isn't the first time, by the way. During the president's first term, lots of folks said that the president's historic tariffs on China during the first term were going to be terrible for the economy. And there was no lasting evidence of that whatsoever. There was no meaningful economic inflation, no meaningful economic slowdown. Everything was actually pretty OK in response to the tariffs last time. And thus far again, this time, we've had a repeat of the same performance whereby lots of folks predicted that it would end the world, there would be some sort of disastrous outcome. And once again, tariff revenue is pouring in. There's no sign of any economically significant inflation whatsoever, and job creation remains healthy. STEPHANOPOULOS: Job creation does remain healthy. But let's talk about the Bill to begin. I want to get back to tariffs in a second. This increase in the debt, he says that every major economist who doesn't have a political agenda, agrees that this is going to pose a danger to the economy because of the increased debt service payments. MIRAN: Yeah, I don't think that's -- I don't think that that's true at all. And I think the historical record is on our side. It's the same combination of policies, tax cuts, deregulation, trade renegotiation, and energy abundance that gave us astounding economic growth in the president's first term, 2.8 percent until the pandemic. And that's exactly what we forecast again, very similar numbers. STEPHANOPOULOS: That was one year. MIRAN: No, no, no, 2017 to 2019. The annualized rate over those three years was 2.8 percent. Right? Very high economic growth as a result of these same policies. And that's just a statistical fact. And so, what the people who predict big deficits don't understand is that economic growth is going to soar in response to these policies. If you give massive incentives for investment, huge incentives for new factories, full expensing on new factories, full expensing on equipment, full expensing on R&D expenditures, that incentivizes more of this stuff. You're going to get more people investing in factories as a result of these tax benefits. More investment means more income. More income means more tax revenue. And as a result, deficits go down. STEPHANOPOULOS: Why should we not believe the CBO when they say that something approaching a little more than 11 million people are going to be -- are going to lose their healthcare coverage because of the Medicaid cuts? MIRAN: Well, because they've been wrong in the past. When Republicans repealed the individual mandate penalty during the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act in the president's first term, CBO predicted that there was going to be about 5 million people losing their insurance by 2019. And you know what? The number was not very significantly changed at all. It was a tiny fraction of that. And so, they've been wrong in the past. And look, if we don't pass the -- if we didn't pass the Bill, eight to nine million people would've lost their insurance for sure, as a result of the biggest tax act in history creating a huge recession. The best way to make sure people are insured is to grow the economy, get them jobs, get them working, get them insurance through their employer. Creating jobs, creating a booming economy is always the best way to get people insured. STEPHANOPOULOS: On tariffs, the deadline, the president's deadline is approaching for the deals. We've only seen three deals so far. What should we expect next? MIRAN: Well, I'm still optimistic that we're going to get a number of deals later this week. Part of that is because all the negotiating goes through a series of steps that lead to -- that lead to a culmination timed with the deadline. But it's important that countries line up to make concessions to get those deals, to convince the president that they should get lower tariff rates. And thus far, it's been happening. The president has very successfully used leverage and the threat of tariffs to get companies to create -- to grant concessions to open their markets to U.S. goods. STEPHANOPOULOS: But we've only seen an agreement with Britain. It's really just the framework of an agreement. We've seen the agreement with Vietnam. Where are the other deals? MIRAN: Well, I'm -- as I said, I'm still expecting a number to come this week. The Vietnam deal was fantastic. It's extremely one-sided. We get to apply a significant tariff to Vietnamese exports. They're opening their markets to ours, you know, applying zero tariff to our exports. It's a fantastic deal for Americans. STEPHANOPOULOS: So, if the -- but if these other deals don't come in this week, will the president be extending the deadline? MIRAN: Well, my expectation would be that countries that are negotiating in good faith and making the concessions that they need to, to get to a deal, but the deal is just not there yet because it needs more time, my expectation would be that those countries get a roll, get, you know, sort of, get the date rolled. STEPHANOPOULOS: Like which countries are those? MIRAN: Well, I mean, I think we're seeing lots of good progress on a variety of countries. You know, I -- to be clear, I'm not a trade negotiator. I'm not involved in the details of these talks, but I hear good things about the talks with Europe. I hear good things about the talks with India, you know? And so, I would expect that a number of countries that are in the process of making those nego -- making those concessions, you know, they might see their date rolled. For the countries that aren't making concessions, for the countries that aren't negotiating in good faith, I would expect them to sort of see higher tariffs. But, again, the president will decide -- you know, the president will decide later this week, and in the time following, whether or not the countries are doing what it takes to get access to the American market like they've grown accustomed to. STEPHANOPOULOS: We saw new jobs numbers come in this week. As I said, the economy seems pretty resilient. But underneath the overall numbers, there does seem to be some slowdown among private sector job creation. Concerned? MIRAN: Well, it's not really a concern because of the huge incentives we have to unleash growth in the -- in the near future. The One Big, Beautiful Bill is going to create growth on turbocharge. Cutting regulations, cutting red tape so that companies can invest, build higher when and where they want instead of spending years begging permission from Washington is going to turbocharge growth. Opening foreign markets to U.S. exports by getting concessions through trade renegotiation is going to turbocharge growth. Low energy prices like the president is achieving, lowest gas prices since 2021 at the pump is going to turbocharge growth. And all that's to come. STEPHANOPOULOS: You say this is all going to turbocharge growth. We have seen some experience with this back -- in Ronald Reagan's day, back in 1981. He had huge tax cuts. The growth didn't come, and they had to end up raising taxes for several years after that. Concerned that could happen again? MIRAN: Well, like I said before, you know, history's on our side. If you look at what happened in the president's first term, growth soared and there was no real material, you know, meaningful long-term decline in revenue. Revenue as a share of GDP was 17.1 percent last year, the same as it was before the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act. So, you got this huge surge in growth as a result of the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act. There was no material long-term decline in revenue. Corporate revenue even went up as a share of GDP from 1.6 to 1.9 percent. And the growth delivered. And we expect the same thing to happen this time.
