
‘Blessing in disguise': Why Awami League's Obaidul Quader sees opening in Bangladesh turmoil
A. I consider this a blessing in disguise. It presents an opportunity—one that could evolve into something much larger, perhaps explosive. The people of Bangladesh are beginning to recognise that their lives were markedly better under Sheikh Hasina's leadership. They are now drawing comparisons between the present regime under Muhammad Yunus and the governance we provided. Shockingly, fundamentalists call the shot in this government. Even the Bangladesh Nationalist Party seems disillusioned with the interim government. I believe this growing discontent could very well culminate in an organised agitation.advertisementQ. Given that the Awami League has been proscribed, do you still view this as an opening for your party?A. Absolutely. We shall overcome these restrictions and re-emerge with renewed purpose. For us, it is not merely a question of regaining power; it is about defending the nation's core interests and the wellbeing of its people. The Awami League cannot simply be expunged from the collective consciousness of Bangladesh—we embody the spirit of the Liberation War and the legacy of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. We have made mistakes in the past—there have been missteps. But we are willing to acknowledge them. If we must seek people's forgiveness, we shall do so unreservedly. The party today is purged of all sins.Q. Many within your party label Bangladesh army chief General Waker-Uz-Zaman a traitor. Do you share that sentiment?A. No, I do not. The military in Bangladesh is not as politically entrenched as it is in Pakistan. Moreover, during her rule, Sheikh Hasina extended full support to the armed forces, ensuring significant improvements in their infrastructure and capabilities. It is often the case that the military may articulate certain positions, but finds itself unable to act decisively upon them. That said, we are not interested in dwelling on the past. Our focus is firmly on the future. Our leader shares this perspective. At present, the army is calling for elections—and we see nothing wrong with that demand.advertisementQ. There are serious allegations that you personally ordered the Chhatra League to suppress the July 2024 uprising.A. These accusations are categorically false. I was not in a position to issue such directives to the Chhatra League (student wing of Awami League). Some have even gone so far as to accuse me of murder—when I have not harmed so much as an ant in my life. However, when I witnessed attacks on our party offices and members, what was I to do? As general secretary of the party, was I expected to sit idle? I did what was necessary—I resisted. That is all.The initial protests were centred around the anti-quota movement, led primarily by students. However, over time, foreign actors became involved, manipulating the demonstrators. Many of the constituents—labourers, farmers, rickshaw-pullers and daily wagers—were either misled or incentivised financially. And now, we see the interim government moving to sell off our national assets. The people are beginning to see the consequences.advertisementQ. What really happened on August 5, 2024?A. By now, the events of that day are widely known. What I can share is that I remained in Bangladesh, in hiding, for three months following the departure of our prime minister, who was compelled to flee the country. That said, I would like to emphasise once again that the Awami League is focused on the future. Our primary objective is to safeguard the interests of Bangladesh and its people. We acknowledge that errors were made, and we are prepared to seek forgiveness where necessary. However, for the sake of the nation's stability and democratic integrity, and to keep fundamentalists at bay, the interim government must step down.Subscribe to India Today Magazine

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Hans India
an hour ago
- Hans India
Kamal Haasan Refuses To Apologize Over Kannada Language Controversy
Veteran actor Kamal Haasan has maintained his defiant stance regarding controversial remarks about the Kannada language, declaring he will only offer an apology if proven factually incorrect. The 70-year-old actor-politician dismissed mounting pressure from Karnataka's film industry and political establishment, emphasizing his commitment to personal principles over public appeasement. Speaking exclusively to India Today, Haasan articulated his position with characteristic resolve, stating that apologizing when not in the wrong contradicts his fundamental approach to life. He urged critics not to interfere with his established lifestyle choices, while affirming his belief in India's democratic values and judicial system. The controversy erupted following Haasan's comments during a promotional event for his upcoming film "Thug Life," where he claimed that Kannada language originated from Tamil. The statement was made while addressing actor Shivarajkumar from Karnataka, as Haasan explained his opening phrase "Uyire Urave Tamizhe," meaning "My life and my family is Tamil." During the event, Haasan elaborated on his linguistic perspective, describing Shivarajkumar as family residing in another state before making the contentious assertion about Kannada's Tamil origins. This explanation was intended to demonstrate the interconnectedness of South Indian communities but instead triggered widespread outrage across Karnataka. The Karnataka Film Chamber of Commerce responded decisively by announcing a complete ban on "Thug Life's" release within the state. This action followed their ultimatum demanding a public apology from Haasan, which he has categorically refused to provide. When questioned about these threats, the seasoned actor remained unfazed, noting that he has faced similar challenges previously. Political leaders across Karnataka's spectrum united in condemning Haasan's remarks, with both ruling Congress and opposition BJP officials expressing strong disapproval. Chief Minister Siddaramaiah criticized the actor's understanding of Kannada's historical significance, emphasizing the language's extensive heritage that predates the claims made during the promotional event. State Minister for Backward Classes Welfare, Kannada and Culture, Shivaraj Tangadagi, escalated the response by formally requesting the Film Chamber to ban Haasan's movies. His letter emphasized that regardless of an individual's stature, statements that offend regional sentiments regarding land, water, and language cannot be tolerated. The minister's correspondence stressed that Haasan should immediately apologize to all Kannadigas, warning that failure to do so would result in permanent bans on his films throughout Karnataka. This represents a significant escalation in the controversy, potentially affecting Haasan's commercial prospects in the neighboring state. Contrasting this regional backlash, the Tamil film industry has rallied behind Haasan, with prominent actors and industry members expressing solidarity. Kollywood personalities including Divya Spandana and Vinodhini Vaidyanathan have publicly supported the veteran actor, arguing that all South Indian languages share Dravidian linguistic roots. These supporters have characterized the controversy as an unnecessary commotion, pointing to the common linguistic heritage that connects various South Indian languages. Their backing reflects broader Tamil cinema industry solidarity with one of its most respected figures during this challenging period. The timing of this controversy carries additional political significance, as Haasan leads the Makkal Needhi Maiam party, which maintains alliance ties with the DMK. Reports indicate that he is being considered as the DMK's nominee for a Rajya Sabha position, adding another layer of complexity to the current situation. Pro-Kannada organizations and cultural groups have joined the chorus of criticism, viewing Haasan's statements as an attack on their linguistic identity and cultural heritage. Their mobilization demonstrates the sensitive nature of language-related discussions in India's diverse linguistic landscape. The controversy highlights ongoing tensions regarding linguistic pride and regional identity in South India, where language often serves as a crucial marker of cultural distinction. Haasan's refusal to apologize, coupled with his emphasis on democratic principles and personal integrity, reflects his determination to maintain his position despite mounting pressure. As the standoff continues, the broader implications extend beyond individual careers to encompass questions about artistic freedom, regional sensitivity, and the complex dynamics of India's multilingual society. The resolution of this controversy may influence future discourse on linguistic relationships and cultural expression in the entertainment industry.
&w=3840&q=100)

First Post
an hour ago
- First Post
From liberation to erasure: Bangladesh's silent genocide of Hindus
Years ago, a Bangladeshi professor had remarked grimly, 'In three decades, there will be no Hindus left in Bangladesh.' At the time, the statement was met with outrage, denial, and disbelief. But today, it reads like a prophecy being fulfilled read more The land once envisioned as a beacon of pluralism and liberation is descending into darkness. Bangladesh, born from a fight against oppression in 1971, now finds itself dangerously close to orchestrating the very kind of ethnic cleansing it once resisted. In the chilling aftermath of the regime coup that dislodged Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, the Hindu community—already marginalised—is facing an existential threat. The tide of violence, desecration, and dehumanisation sweeping across the nation is no longer episodic; it is systemic, organised, and state-enabled. A once-protected minority under Hasina's rule, the Hindus of Bangladesh are now caught in a nightmare being carefully scripted by the new power brokers: Muhammad Yunus, the Nobel laureate-turned-political architect of the new regime, and the hardline elements of Jamaat-e-Islami and the BNP. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD These forces, long antagonistic to religious minorities and ideological pluralism, have begun to reshape the very fabric of the nation—with blood, fire, and terror. The warning signs are no longer warnings. They are lived realities. And the genocide is no longer a distant possibility. It is happening—one rape, one desecrated idol, one torched home at a time. A Political Rape That Shattered the Illusion It started with a scream—a desperate, soul-crushing cry for help that would shake the conscience of a nation, if only it still had one. In Cumilla, a young Hindu woman was abducted, stripped, raped, filmed, and exposed to the world by a local BNP-affiliated politician. What should have been an unthinkable act of inhumanity was, in fact, a symbol of something larger: the new power structure's impunity and its deeply entrenched hatred toward the Hindu minority. This was not the act of a deranged criminal. It was a political message. The perpetrators didn't hide. They flaunted their power. They filmed their cruelty. And they sent it out like a trophy—proof that Hindus no longer had the protection of the state. The sheer brazenness of the crime marked a turning point. It was a public declaration that law and order no longer applied to those who attacked minorities. The police, paralysed or complicit, responded slowly. Arrests were only made after an uproar, and even then, the machinery of justice moved with a deliberate sluggishness, as though buying time for the culprits to maneuver out. For Bangladesh's Hindus, the message was clear: You are no longer citizens. You are prey. Idols Smashed, Faith Torched In Hinduism, idols are not just religious symbols—they are vessels of divinity, sacred presences imbued with centuries of cultural continuity. When mobs entered temples in Thakurgaon and Pabna, they didn't just break statues—they broke a people's spirit. Temples were stormed by organized groups, often led by known local gang leaders allied with BNP and Jamaat factions. Idols were beheaded, burned, urinated upon. Sacred images of Durga, Shiva, and Lakshmi were hacked into rubble with iron rods. In many cases, the mobs didn't stop at desecration. They looted temple donation boxes, destroyed scriptures, and threatened priests and devotees. Hindu homes around these temples were marked with red or green flags. Days later, these homes were torched in coordinated attacks. Families fled to nearby fields, forests, or neighbouring villages. Some left the country entirely. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD The desecration was not spontaneous or chaotic—it was planned. Reports of loudspeakers being used to rally mobs, of police standing down or arriving hours late, of local administrations refusing to register FIRs, have become commonplace. The pattern is too consistent to ignore: it is a pogrom masquerading as civic disorder. The Indian government's diplomatic engagement on these incidents was a rare moment of international notice—but it has done little to deter the mobs. After all, with Yunus and his allies in charge, perpetrators are not punished. They are protected. And that protection is emboldening ever-larger waves of destruction. After Hasina: A Nation Falls to the Fanatics Under Sheikh Hasina, for all her faults, the Hindu minority had some semblance of state protection. Her administration, tied to the Awami League's secular legacy, at least recognized the role of Hindus in Bangladesh's foundation. While attacks still happened under her rule, they were condemned, investigated, and, in many cases, compensated. But with Hasina's removal in what many now recognise as a thinly-veiled regime coup orchestrated by Nobel-winner Muhammad Yunus—with quiet backing from hardline Islamist groups like Jamaat-e-Islami—the safeguards have collapsed overnight. Yunus may project an image of global philanthropy, but within Bangladesh, he has aligned himself with dangerous forces. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD The Jamaat, once banned from elections due to their war crimes in 1971, now has de facto influence over regional governance. BNP leaders, many of whom harbour long-standing animosities toward Hindus and other minorities, have filled the vacuum left by Hasina's secular officials. The results are devastating. Since the regime change, more than 2,000 documented attacks on Hindus have taken place. Entire communities in places like Satkhira, Noakhali, and Narail have seen homes burned, businesses destroyed, and residents forced to flee. Women and girls have become targets of sexual violence. Men are dragged from their homes and lynched. Elderly individuals are beaten for refusing to leave ancestral lands. Police rarely intervene, and courts are silent. Human rights groups within Bangladesh are being harassed, silenced, and in some cases, dismantled entirely. Hindu lawyers trying to represent victims have received death threats. Journalists reporting on the atrocities have been detained or had their credentials revoked. This is not just a breakdown of order—it is the construction of a new, terrifying one. A nation where being Hindu is a crime in itself. Where worship is treason. Where staying silent is survival. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD A Prophecy Realised Years ago, a Bangladeshi professor had remarked grimly, 'In three decades, there will be no Hindus left in Bangladesh.' At the time, the statement was met with outrage, denial, and disbelief. But today, it reads like a prophecy being fulfilled in real time. The statistics support this chilling truth. The Hindu population, once 23 per cent at the time of Partition, is now estimated to be less than 8 per cent. Families are fleeing in droves. In villages across the country, empty temples and abandoned homes stand as silent testaments to a vanishing people. It is not migration. It is forced exile. It is not economic hardship. It is ethnic erasure. The current trajectory shows no signs of reversal. If the world continues to look away, if the international community continues to confuse political diplomacy with humanitarian responsibility, the professor's words will no longer be prophetic. They will be historical fact. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD This is how genocides begin—not with explosions, but with silence. Not with mass graves, but with whispers. The rape of a woman. The burning of a temple. The exile of a family. The silence of a court. The cowardice of a state. Bangladesh stands at a precipice. It is not just its Hindu citizens who are at stake, but its very soul. Will it choose the path of ethnic cleansing, led by theocrats and their enablers? Or will it find the courage to reclaim its pluralistic heritage? The answer, for now, is written in the ashes of temples, the tears of raped daughters, and the fear that haunts every Hindu child when night falls. There is still time to change course—but not much. The world must speak, and Bangladesh must listen. Otherwise, it will not just be the end of a community—it will be the end of a conscience. Tehmeena Rizvi is a Policy Analyst and PhD scholar at Bennett University. Her areas of work include Women, Peace, and Security (South Asia), focusing on the intersection of gender, conflict, and religion, with a research emphasis on the Kashmir region, Pakistan, and Afghanistan. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect Firstpost's views. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD


India Today
15 hours ago
- India Today
2 July 2025: Hasina Jailed, Dalai Lama Defies China, Trump Revives Visa Curbs
India Today Podcasts Desk UPDATED: Jul 2, 2025 19:20 IST On News at 7, this 27 June, Jamshed Qamar Siddiqui brings you the day's most crucial headlines. Bangladesh's ex-PM Sheikh Hasina sentenced to 6 months in jail for contempt; verdict by ICT, effective upon arrest or surrender. Dalai Lama says only his office will choose his successor, rejecting China's role; Beijing insists on approval rights. Trump administration revives plan to fix student visa duration, impacting F-1 and J-1 holders; DHS proposal targets international students and media. Produced by Garvit Srivastava Sound Mix by Suraj Singh