logo
#

Latest news with #INDIATODAY

‘Umrao Jaan' re-release: A 44-year-old wine coming your way, says Muzaffar Ali
‘Umrao Jaan' re-release: A 44-year-old wine coming your way, says Muzaffar Ali

India Today

time6 days ago

  • Entertainment
  • India Today

‘Umrao Jaan' re-release: A 44-year-old wine coming your way, says Muzaffar Ali

Umrao Jaan (1981) is a gift that keeps giving for filmmaker Muzaffar Ali, every day. 'Just this morning, while disembarking from the aircraft, an elderly gentleman said 'Aap Muzaffar Ali hain? Aap please humein aisi (Umrao Jaan) filmein dete rahiye (Please keep making films like Umrao Jaan),' says Ali. Adulation like that makes his June 27, Ali's classic star-crossed tale about a courtesan, featuring Rekha in an all-timer performance, re-releases in cinemas. He has also managed to put together a book on the film that he's forever synonymous an exclusive interview to INDIA TODAY, Ali shares interesting facts about the making of Umrao Jaan, curating a luxury coffee-table book celebrating the film, and the vanishing Awadhi culture.Q. Is the book as much a labour of love as the film was? A. There's no labour without love or love without labour. It was a very intense and challenging thing to do. Things get lost, people don't look after records and the mind doesn't recollect many things. The book puts everything into sharp focus—the whole ethos of the film, the time, the film has so many shades and aspects that we don't realise until one compiles it into a book. We need to look at the film in a very layered way. The book celebrates the film. It goes into the back-story, the different, subtle things which couldn't have come with the first release. It is a 44-year-old wine coming audiences' The photographs show you have maintained a good archive. What else have you preserved?A. I have got 40-50 trunks of clothing of that time, which need a proper museum. There's no space for these things in cities. Maybe, I will set up a museum of film costumes in my village. It can be an interesting experience. I hate throwing away these things. There's a lot of memory to each little Jaan is full of lovely things that people lent me, in terms of shawls, carpets, jewellery and textiles. You have to have a heart to lend it to somebody, so I was fortunate in that way.Q. The re-release strategy has really done wonders for some films. Are you excited to see the film be discovered by a whole new generation?A. I think it's a big, big experiment. I shouldn't be so scared; I am very expectant as to how people will react. It's a film that's survived many generations, and people have held it close to their hearts. It will take its own journey from here on.Q. The legendary Kathak artist Kumudini Lakhia, who choreographed the songs, passed away recently. Tell us a bit about the collaboration. She truly did make those songs more memorable with the abhinaya she made Rekha If it wasn't for her, Rekha wouldn't have had this kind of grace on screen. By the time Kathak entered Bollywood, it got jhatkas, which isn't true to the essence of the classical Kumudini behn did nobody could have done for me. She was really wonderful in the way she choreographed every single word and musical note. She gave the bhaav and movements. It is poetry in motion. In the book, I have given a tribute to Kumudini.Q. Are the locations where you shot Umrao Jaan intact or they have faded with time?A. Let's talk of the positives first. Yes, some places are intact while some have seen the surroundings degrade. Buildings have come up. Some places are just gone. Places outside of Lucknow, which were very photogenic and more spacious and easy to work in, such as Amethi, Kakori and Malihabad, are still holding on to those don't know how to take care of places. Lots of things are lost to neglect. No conservation architects as such are given these assignments. While shooting the film, we spent a lot of time in restoring places, to bring them back to their original condition. For instance, Mughal Saheba's Imambada in Lucknow. It took two to three months to restore it just so that I could shoot for a five-to-six-minute sequence. These kinds of things are no longer You are seen as a custodian and documentarian of Awadhi culture. Is it alive in Lucknow?A. Don't give me so much responsibility because I don't think I am taking it up seriously. People are aware of it and are conscious of monuments, spaces, architectures, way of life, food, and even literature to a is not getting its rightful place. It's a vast world—poetry is just one aspect of it. People have lost control and command of Urdu. It is an exemplary language for India. I don't know of any language that has bloomed so beautifully. It was born out of the need to connect. The ghazal gave it a beautiful dimension to describe the beloved and to talk with so much automotive culture has really changed the city (Lucknow). There should be a more graceful way of commuting. Until the culture of the street is respected, I don't think any city in India will be worth walking around. There are no footpaths Umrao Jaan is also that rare beast where you see leading artistes from different creative disciplines come together. Anjolie Ela Menon designed the poster; Kumudini Lakhia was the choreographer; poet Shahryar was the lyricist; and illustrator Manjula Padmanabhan did the titles. Such cross-collaboration seems to be missing from filmmaking these days.A. What happens in Bollywood is that people don't get artistes. Shahryar pulled his hair; he felt one had to be degraded to stay and work in it (Bollywood). I don't think artistes of that kind of calibre found it easy to be a part of ecosystem. Unless there's an artistic ecosystem, the concept of collective art or integrated art forms cannot is made without inspiration and respect. Cinema has become a business, and I am not a businessman. What I hate about it is that it's a business art when, in fact, it is an art of the to India Today Magazine- Ends

A month into India-Pakistan ceasefire, Uri on LoC declares: ‘Bunkers a necessity now'
A month into India-Pakistan ceasefire, Uri on LoC declares: ‘Bunkers a necessity now'

India Today

time11-06-2025

  • Politics
  • India Today

A month into India-Pakistan ceasefire, Uri on LoC declares: ‘Bunkers a necessity now'

Broken walls, shattered windowpanes, damaged rooftops, tattered floor covers, broken utensils, ripped blankets, torn books, hollowed out wardrobes and suitcases—these sum up the scene in shelling-hit Gingal village of Uri in north Kashmir, some 16 km from the Line of Control (LoC) with amidst the ruins of her two-storied home, destroyed in the long-range artillery fire by Pakistan on the night of May 9, 39-year-old Misra Begum is still unable to reconcile with the loss. 'We're homeless now; our valuables of an entire lifetime are gone. My husband is a labourer; how will we build a new one (home)?' says Begum, recounting to INDIA TODAY the family's relentless struggles over the years to put together their over a month now, Begum, her husband and children—13-year-old son and seven-year-old daughter—have been staying at a relative's home nearby. Their devastated home symbolises the carnage caused by long-range shelling in the village of around 750 households between May 8 and 10, when Pakistan responded to India's Operation the vicinity, retired armyman Mohammad Naseer's home has been left with broken windows and holes in the roof. Some 300 metres away, a tw0-storied house has had its left wing, comprising four of the total eight rooms, damaged completely. 'The shelling shook our bodies; it felt like our ears were being torn apart. Had we not gathered in the kitchen, which is on the other side of the house, we would've been dead,' says 38-year-old Zahida Banoo, holding her two children. Her husband works in the Jammu and Kashmir like thousands of others in Uri, had fled her home to safer places when intense shelling by Pakistan wreaked havoc on the villages of Gangil, Lagama, Gharkote, Salamabad, Paranpilla, Bandi, Lagama and Dachi, among others. She returned after spending a week at her sister's home in Baramulla and another at a rented house in which hosts the head office of National Hydroelectric Power Corporation (NHPC), overlooking the 480 MW Uri-I power project on the Jhelum river flowing beneath into Pakistan, was perhaps the worst hit. Some 30-40 artillery shells, as per locals, landed in the village. Four homes were completely damaged and another 87 partially. The highly-guarded NHPC office, spanning over six acres, was also hit by shells—the damages caused to its residential buildings.'Windowpanes broke. There was fear all over; we hid inside bunkers,' informs E. Srinivas, deputy general manager at the NHPC installations near the LoC were put on high alert during the India-Pakistan offensive, owing to a potential threat from Islamabad in the backdrop of New Delhi suspending the Indus Waters Treaty after the terror attack in Pahalgam on April though, says Uri-I, the 240 MW Uri-II and 330 MW Kishanganga projects were fully secured and power generation was Naseer, a 33-year-old woman, shudders at the mention of 'war'. The four-day horror, May 7 to May 10, has left her with nightmares. She blames the media for the war hysteria at the cost of people's lives. 'Take us out of Uri and engage in the war, as much as you can. It looks easy from inside newsrooms; if you've the guts, exchange places with us,' she says, fighting been a month since the post-Operation Sindoor ceasefire with Pakistan, yet the residents of Uri grapple with fear and uncertainty. In recent years, the border villages here have had travellers trooping in, thanks to the tourism push by the government. Now, it has all come to a standstill.'The bullet has no eye to distinguish or differentiate. The deadly shells have damaged our buildings and left us all with lifelong trauma. We have lost sleep,' says Hafiz Zahid Hussain, a Bihar-origin moulvi at Gingal's mosque for the past 32 recall past wars between India and Pakistan, but say the use of long-range artillery this time and the damage it caused is unprecedented. According to an official assessment by the district administration of Baramulla, Uri tehsil suffered damage to 513 buildings—60 homes and five cowsheds were razed to the ground while 436 homes and 12 cowsheds were partially Karnah, in north Kashmir's Kupwara, over 100 buildings were damaged. Overall, in Jammu and Kashmir, Poonch in Jammu suffered the most, with thousands of structures reported to have been damaged. Of the 21 lives lost, 16 were in Poonch conflict has also triggered a bunker crisis in the border areas. Except for a few places like Salamabad and Gharkote, the villages in Uri are largely without bunkers, making them vulnerable to Ali, a resident of Paranpilla village, plans to construct a bunker in his farmland by taking advantage of its terraced design. 'We'll dig through the height of this land from tomorrow and concretise the hole, followed by cementing,' says Ali, sitting in his farmland by a flowing serenity of the surroundings belies the complexity of the situation. 'Bunkers are a necessity now,' decides to India Today Magazine

‘Eco-friendly bakra' for Id? What a Bhopal Hindu group's drive is all about
‘Eco-friendly bakra' for Id? What a Bhopal Hindu group's drive is all about

India Today

time05-06-2025

  • General
  • India Today

‘Eco-friendly bakra' for Id? What a Bhopal Hindu group's drive is all about

A Bhopal-based Hindu outfit that claims to represent Sanatan followers has prepared what it calls 'eco-friendly bakras' ahead of Bakrid and appealed to the Muslim community to 'sacrifice' these instead of living male Tiwari of the Sanskriti Bachao Manch told INDIA TODAY that Hindus are often reminded that their major festivals, such as Holi, Diwali and Ganesh Puja, add to environmental degradation. 'We have started using dry colours and organic gulal on Holi; we are using Ganesh idols made from eco-friendly material; and we have also reduced sound and air pollution by bursting fewer crackers on Diwali. We now appeal to the Muslim community to shun the sacrifice of animals and instead perform symbolic sacrifices,' said Tiwari, adding that the onus of being environment-friendly was on all 'eco-friendly bakra' being pitched is a life-size model of a goat. It is made of mud with hair plastered on it. How has the response to Sanskriti Bachao Manch's appeal been? Well, the 'eco-friendly bakras' have not found any takers yet in claimed he wanted to retail the models at half the cost price of Rs 2,000, the subsidy aimed at promoting the concept. When asked if he had the same advice for those Hindus who offer animal sacrifices, Tiwari said the practice of 'bali' (sacrifice) had waned and it was mostly being done symbolically using a pumpkin instead of an animal. 'We are even against meat shops and killings of any kind, including by Hindus,' he said. Tiwari has four 'eco-friendly bakra' models in his inventory, but said he could supply more at short notice if orders were placed. 'I also appeal to Hindus not to sell goats on Id,' he to India Today Magazine

Bangladesh polls, political reforms can run together: Consensus panel vice-chief
Bangladesh polls, political reforms can run together: Consensus panel vice-chief

India Today

time02-06-2025

  • Politics
  • India Today

Bangladesh polls, political reforms can run together: Consensus panel vice-chief

Ali Riaz, a leading political analyst and academic, now serves as vice-chairman of the National Consensus Commission in post-Sheikh Hasina Bangladesh. The body is tasked with forging broad-based political agreement under the Muhammad Yunus-led interim a wide-ranging interview with INDIA TODAY, Riaz reflects on the commission's ongoing negotiations with 33 political parties, highlighting that while consensus has been reached on several key reforms, entrenched resistance—particularly from the larger parties—remains a significant obstacle on 12 major contends that the path to reform need not be linear. Contrary to the prevailing binary, he asserts that the processes of democratic reform and preparations for general elections can proceed in You were entrusted with two of the most critical responsibilities in post-uprising Bangladesh. While the task of the Constitutional Reform Commission has been completed, you now serve as vice-chairman of the National Consensus Commission. Where do things stand currently?A. Leading the National Consensus Commission is, without doubt, a significantly more complex undertaking (laughs). Nonetheless, we are already midway through the process. Between March 20 and May 19, we held meetings with all 33 registered political parties across 45 sessions. Some of these engagements extended beyond a single day. For instance, our dialogue with the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) continued for three consecutive days. We also engaged with the Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami and the National Citizen Party over two days have managed to reach full agreement on several issues, while partial consensus has been achieved on others. On some matters, no agreement could be reached at all, and certain proposals were rejected Q. Could you categorise these issues for us?A. To begin with, there is unanimous agreement in principle that Bangladesh should adopt a bicameral system of government and that general elections must be conducted under a caretaker government. However, the specifics, such as structure, size and composition—remain under deliberation. A key issue under debate is the method by which members of the Upper House will be elected, as well as the procedure for forming the caretaker is consensus on the need to establish the post of a deputy speaker, with the agreement that it should be held by a member of the Opposition. Similarly, all parties support the idea that major parliamentary standing committees should be chaired by Opposition has been conclusively agreed that the chief justice of the Supreme Court should be appointed based on seniority. However, whether the appointment should be automatic for the seniormost judge or selected from a panel of three remains a matter of of bribery within the private sector has been agreed upon. The debate lies in determining the extent of state power in enforcing such legislation. All parties concurred that a comprehensive election commission law is essential. Partial agreement exists on reserving 100 seats for women in the Lower House, as well as on revising Article 70 of the Constitution, which currently enforces draconian disciplinary measures against parliamentarians who cross the floor or vote according to existing Article 70 is excessively rigid; it allows for penal action even if a member is simply absent during a vote. Presently, there is general agreement that floor-crossing will continue to be prohibited for finance bills, no-confidence motions and constitutional amendments. The debate is now about relaxing its application beyond those such as establishing a public attorney service to prevent governments from appointing politically affiliated individuals as additional attorneys general have found partial support. The same holds true for the expansion of civil rights, though the legal enforceability of such rights remains contentious.Q. Which of the issues are completely deadlocked?A. One of the principal points of contention is the imposition of a term limit on the office of the prime minister. Our commission proposed a two-term cap for any individual. While many parties were amenable to this, one party in particular has raised objections.Q. Is that party the BNP?A. Indeed, it is. Their proposal is that after serving two consecutive terms, an individual should be allowed to return for a third term following a break of one full term—provided they are re-elected. Further disagreements persist regarding the structure and mandate of the caretaker government. Also, we proposed that the president of the country should be elected by the Upper House and that local government figures, such as chairs and vice-chairs of city corporations and district councils, should be granted voting rights in the process. These proposals remain under debate. Another area of contention is whether constitutional amendments should require a public You mentioned that some proposals were 'thrown out'.A. We had proposed federalising the structure of government by dividing Bangladesh into four provinces. This met with strong Opposition from most political parties. Similarly, our proposal to decentralise the judiciary by establishing high courts in each of the country's seven divisions was rejected. At present, the sole high court is located in Dhaka. We believed that multiple high courts would expedite the delivery of justice. Opponents argued that the Constitution already empowers the chief justice to establish temporary benches in other regions as needed. Our counter-argument is that this currently depends entirely on the discretion of an individual, rather than on the systemic needs of the Would you say it is the larger parties that tend to offer the greatest resistance?A. Yes, the larger parties are generally more resistant to several ideas. Their rationale is that they are reluctant to commit to proposals they may not be able to adhere to in future, as this would open them up to public scrutiny and criticism. Their stakes are significantly present, there are 12 major issues that remain under active debate. Nevertheless, I am optimistic. Once the second round of discussions commences, likely in the first week of June, there will be greater flexibility from all parties, regardless of size or ideology. Every party we met acknowledged the need for reform. Not a single one was categorically opposed. While the degree of commitment may vary, there is a common understanding that the existing governmental structure has the potential to evolve into autocracy if left unaltered.Q. What are your thoughts on elections—arguably the most contentious issue in Bangladesh at present?A. There are currently three distinct perspectives on this matter. One group believes that substantial reforms must be enacted before any elections are held. Another believes elections should take place first, with the understanding that parties will be bound to implement reforms thereafter, especially since reforms are seen as the moral foundation of the July 2024 uprising. A third perspective echoes the first but demands more extensive reforms before the Commission's point of view, we believe reforms and elections need not be treated as mutually exclusive or sequential processes. They can and should proceed in parallel. Preparations for elections can take place simultaneously with the reform process.Q. Bangladesh army chief General Waker-Uz-Zaman's remarks on elections have sparked controversy. Do you believe such statements undermine the work of the Commission?A. I do not think so. Moreover, I do not see the military and the government as entirely distinct entities—the army is, after all, part of the state apparatus. The army chief expressed his views, and his statement should be regarded as one of many opinions.Q. There has been resistance to your proposal to formally declare Bangladesh a 'pluralist' state in the revised Constitution.A. The resistance came from several parties. Their concern was that the term 'pluralism' might be perceived as contradictory to the monotheistic philosophy of Islam, thereby conveying an incorrect message to the broader public. After extensive deliberation, we proposed the following wording for inclusion in the Constitution: 'Bangladesh ekti bohutyavaadi, bohu-jaati, bohu-dhormee, bohu-bhashee o bohu-sangskritir desh jekhane sokol somprodaayer sohabosthaan o jothartho morjada nischit kora hobe.' (Bangladesh is a pluralist, multi-community, multi-religious, multi-lingual and multi-cultural country, where the coexistence and appropriate dignity of all communities will be ensured.)Q. Finally, by when do you expect the work of the National Consensus Commission to be completed?A. We began on February 15 and were given a deadline of six months (August 15). However, I am determined to complete our mandate by July. This will allow us to commemorate the first anniversary of the July uprising by presenting the nation with a new national charter—one that outlines a visionary and inclusive path is vital that the people of Bangladesh are made aware of the issues on which we achieved consensus and those that remain unresolved. This transparency will enable the public to hold future governments accountable. Should these parties genuinely desire reform, they will have the opportunity to pursue it themselves. And if not, the people will compel them—either through elections or by other democratic to India Today Magazine

‘Blessing in disguise': Why Awami League's Obaidul Quader sees opening in Bangladesh turmoil
‘Blessing in disguise': Why Awami League's Obaidul Quader sees opening in Bangladesh turmoil

India Today

time29-05-2025

  • Politics
  • India Today

‘Blessing in disguise': Why Awami League's Obaidul Quader sees opening in Bangladesh turmoil

Obaidul Quader, general secretary of the Awami League and a senior cabinet member of the erstwhile Sheikh Hasina government, has largely remained out of public eye in the 10 months since the political upheaval and regime change in August 5 last year, the day Hasina had to give up power and hastily leave for India, Quader found himself hiding in a toilet for nearly five hours as protesters stormed Awami League offices across Dhaka. Eventually discovered by demonstrators sympathetic to his plight, he was smuggled out in protesters' a candid and revealing interview from an undisclosed location, Quader shared with INDIA TODAY the events of that fateful day, the current state of affairs in Bangladesh under the interim government led by Muhammad Yunus and his vision for the Awami League. While reflecting on past missteps and the party's road ahead, he also issued a sharp critique of the present regime—particularly the alleged influence of fundamentalist elements—while defending the military's call for elections and clarifying his own role during the July 2024 uprising.Q. It has been nearly a year since the Awami League was ousted from power. Bangladesh now appears mired in a new wave of uncertainty. How do you interpret the current situation? A. I consider this a blessing in disguise. It presents an opportunity—one that could evolve into something much larger, perhaps explosive. The people of Bangladesh are beginning to recognise that their lives were markedly better under Sheikh Hasina's leadership. They are now drawing comparisons between the present regime under Muhammad Yunus and the governance we provided. Shockingly, fundamentalists call the shot in this government. Even the Bangladesh Nationalist Party seems disillusioned with the interim government. I believe this growing discontent could very well culminate in an organised Given that the Awami League has been proscribed, do you still view this as an opening for your party?A. Absolutely. We shall overcome these restrictions and re-emerge with renewed purpose. For us, it is not merely a question of regaining power; it is about defending the nation's core interests and the wellbeing of its people. The Awami League cannot simply be expunged from the collective consciousness of Bangladesh—we embody the spirit of the Liberation War and the legacy of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. We have made mistakes in the past—there have been missteps. But we are willing to acknowledge them. If we must seek people's forgiveness, we shall do so unreservedly. The party today is purged of all sins.Q. Many within your party label Bangladesh army chief General Waker-Uz-Zaman a traitor. Do you share that sentiment?A. No, I do not. The military in Bangladesh is not as politically entrenched as it is in Pakistan. Moreover, during her rule, Sheikh Hasina extended full support to the armed forces, ensuring significant improvements in their infrastructure and capabilities. It is often the case that the military may articulate certain positions, but finds itself unable to act decisively upon them. That said, we are not interested in dwelling on the past. Our focus is firmly on the future. Our leader shares this perspective. At present, the army is calling for elections—and we see nothing wrong with that There are serious allegations that you personally ordered the Chhatra League to suppress the July 2024 uprising.A. These accusations are categorically false. I was not in a position to issue such directives to the Chhatra League (student wing of Awami League). Some have even gone so far as to accuse me of murder—when I have not harmed so much as an ant in my life. However, when I witnessed attacks on our party offices and members, what was I to do? As general secretary of the party, was I expected to sit idle? I did what was necessary—I resisted. That is initial protests were centred around the anti-quota movement, led primarily by students. However, over time, foreign actors became involved, manipulating the demonstrators. Many of the constituents—labourers, farmers, rickshaw-pullers and daily wagers—were either misled or incentivised financially. And now, we see the interim government moving to sell off our national assets. The people are beginning to see the What really happened on August 5, 2024?A. By now, the events of that day are widely known. What I can share is that I remained in Bangladesh, in hiding, for three months following the departure of our prime minister, who was compelled to flee the country. That said, I would like to emphasise once again that the Awami League is focused on the future. Our primary objective is to safeguard the interests of Bangladesh and its people. We acknowledge that errors were made, and we are prepared to seek forgiveness where necessary. However, for the sake of the nation's stability and democratic integrity, and to keep fundamentalists at bay, the interim government must step to India Today Magazine

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store