logo
Use clarity to fight fakery

Use clarity to fight fakery

Observer16-07-2025
I was catching up on the news when a headline from Brazil caught my eye. COP30's presidency has initiated a global call to address what they are identifying as climate disinformation. Not soft miscommunication. Not public confusion. Disinformation. The kind that spreads fast, wears the voice of someone familiar and takes root before facts can catch up. Proposals are now open for groups around the world, especially from the Global South, to build tools that defend truth in the climate fight. It felt overdue.
Just days earlier, a friend had sent me one of those familiar, long WhatsApp messages claiming that Oman's newly announced wind farms will 'vacuum the clouds", blaming recent shifts in rainfall on clean energy. There was no evidence cited, no meteorological data, just a concerned tone and sweeping conclusions. The message sounded scientific, but it wasn't. It had already moved through three different WhatsApp groups before anyone asked if it was even true.
This is the thing about climate disinformation. It doesn't always come in shouting. It slides into chats, dressed like a question or a worry, and before long it shapes how people vote, what policies they resist, and what solutions they no longer believe in. These stories reshape trust, rewire public emotion and wear down resolve. The issue extends beyond merely fake news; it revolves around narrative warfare. Sometimes these narratives deny the science altogether. Sometimes they delay action by saying the transition is too expensive or too fast. Sometimes they distort a single event, like a cold spell in winter, to argue the planet is not warming. Sometimes they distract, pointing at litter or plastic waste and insisting we focus on that instead. And more often than not, they greenwash. They make emissions look cleaner than they are. They make fossil fuel companies sound like climate champions.
This is not theory. This is everyday life. This is watching your neighbours grow sceptical of wind farms. This is hearing someone on the radio say climate change is just part of a cycle. This is seeing an ad that calls petrol clean because the font is green and the background has a leaf.
Disinformation spreads fast, wears the voice of someone familiar, and takes root before facts can catch up.
Researchers have mapped how to respond: detect, deconstruct, debunk and then deploy the truth in ways that travel just as fast. But most of us are not researchers. So what do we do?
We pause. We ask where the story came from. We verify the date. We compare it to trusted reports, like those from our Meteorology Officer and international bodies like the IPCC. We ask who benefits if we believe it. And we respond gently, clearly and early, before the story hardens into belief. That is called pre-bunking, and it matters more than we realise.
This work cannot take place on the periphery. The mayors of London and Paris have warned about how disinformation campaigns, some even funded by fossil fuel interests, have undermined clean air zones and delayed much-needed reforms. The same is true here, though the disguise may look more local, more familiar. It is not always loud, but it is always strategic. And the longer it goes unchecked, the harder it becomes to move forward.
Oman has no time for this. Our fisheries are exposed, our coasts are shifting and our cities are already contending with more extreme weather. The farmers of Al Batinah do not need myths about solar farms. They need facts that help them adapt to drier seasons. Every minute we spend chasing rumours is a minute we lose preparing the systems that will carry us through what is coming. Climate disinformation is not just frustrating. It is dangerous. It erodes trust. It slows response. And it isolates people from the truth at the moment they most need to act on it.
If you have encountered this information, whether it landed in your inbox or appeared on your screen, understand that you are not imagining it. Recognise that it carries weight and is not without consequences. We also know there are effective ways to counteract it. This can be achieved not through argument or confrontation, but through clarity, context and care. The message from Belém serves as a reminder that the fight for climate action extends beyond boardrooms and summit halls; it unfolds in family chats, group messages and during our morning scrolls.
And in that space, each of us has a role. Truth travels slowly. But it still arrives if we make room for it and protect it.
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

COP30 must make good on past commitments
COP30 must make good on past commitments

Observer

time4 days ago

  • Observer

COP30 must make good on past commitments

In 2015, the landmark Paris climate agreement set the ambitious but necessary goal of limiting global warming to 1.5° Celsius above pre-industrial levels, and ensuring that the increase stays 'well below' 2°C. With the average global surface temperature having already reached 1.1°C (1.98°F) above the twentieth-century baseline, time is running out to reach this goal. Yet governments have so far failed to agree on a strategy for doing so. At last month's 62nd session of the United Nations Climate Change Subsidiary Bodies (SB62) in Bonn — the mid-year negotiations intended to lay the groundwork for November's UN Climate Change Conference (COP30) in Belém — countries got so hung up on the details of the agenda that little progress was made. Such delays have long characterised the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change, but they are at odds with scientific reality, which demands rapid and unified action. Building consensus is thus a key challenge facing Brazil's COP30 presidency. The task ahead is formidable — not only because of the challenges inherent in the UNFCCC process, but also because four interconnected global developments are undermining trust and impeding multilateral cooperation. First, the global-governance architecture, with the UN at its core, is showing signs of disarray. Institutions that were designed to nurture and facilitate cooperation are increasingly hamstrung by bureaucratic inertia and outdated organisational structures. Second, the rise of transactional diplomacy has meant countries prioritise their own short-term interests over collective long-term needs. This approach — based on a narrow conception of national interest — effectively precludes broad-based cooperation, as it erodes the norms that have traditionally underpinned international engagement. Third, compromise is increasingly being rejected in favour of 'realism", leading to extreme polarisation and entrenched negotiating positions. Multilateral negotiations regularly come down to the wire, and the results are often disappointing, further encouraging transactional engagement at the expense of cooperation and compromise. Finally, climate change is increasingly taking a back seat to other challenges, with armed conflicts, a global trade slowdown, intensifying growth headwinds, and record debt levels consuming countries' political attention, diplomatic space and financial resources. Brazil clearly has its work cut out for it. Above all, it must resist the tendency for COP presidencies to emphasise fresh agreements and ambitious commitments – the kind that grab headlines and make the negotiations look like a smashing success but often fall short when the hard work of implementation begins. Brazil's COP30 presidency must eschew flashy results in favour of pragmatic pathways to deliver on past commitments. Fortunately, Brazil recognises this. Its Fourth Letter to the International Community outlines an Action Agenda aimed at making progress on what the world has 'already collectively agreed' during previous COPs and in the Paris climate agreement. Specifically, the Agenda seeks to leverage existing initiatives to complete the implementation of the first 'global stocktake' under the Paris agreement, which was concluded at COP28. This focus on previously agreed outcomes is well-suited to the current geopolitical context, in which any agreement can be difficult to reach. Representatives at the SB62 in Bonn did not achieve a consensus, and last month's G7 summit failed to deliver a joint communiqué. Rather than perpetuating stalemates, the Action Agenda invites stakeholders to make progress where agreement already exists. The Agenda also charts the way forward. It is organised into six thematic 'axes", including stewarding forests, oceans and biodiversity; transforming agriculture and food systems; and building resilience for cities, infrastructure and water. 'Unleashing enablers and accelerators' in finance, technology and capacity-building — the final, cross-cutting axis — will accelerate implementation at scale. Since responsibility for the implementation and governance of climate policy is distributed among many actors – which must have some level of trust that others are doing their part – the Agenda also establishes 'transparency, monitoring and accountability' as top priorities. To this end, Brazil's COP30 presidency should seek to deliver a set of shared principles and supportive mechanisms. As COP30 Special Envoys, we extend our full support to the Action Agenda. By emphasising consolidation, rather than spectacle, Brazil is setting the stage for a highly productive COP30 – one focused on bridging divides, building trust and delivering genuine progress. The task ahead is daunting, but the chance to rebuild momentum is real. Copyright: Project Syndicate, 2025

Brazil's moment to lead on forest conservation
Brazil's moment to lead on forest conservation

Observer

time6 days ago

  • Observer

Brazil's moment to lead on forest conservation

With greenhouse-gas emissions still rising globally and nature loss continuing apace, the Amazon rainforest is approaching a tipping point. To avert climate catastrophe, the world must make rapid and significant progress on protecting forests and building a sustainable, inclusive bioeconomy. And Brazil must lead the way, starting at this November's United Nations Climate Change Conference (COP30) in Belém. The Amazon represents one of the planet's most powerful defences against climate change. It is more than a carbon sink; it is a reservoir of biodiversity, a regulator of rainfall across South America, and a vital component of our planet's climate system. As the custodian of nearly 60 per cent of the Amazon, Brazil has not only a responsibility to be a good steward, but also an opportunity to demonstrate global leadership at a pivotal moment for people and the planet. Brazil seems to recognise this. The government's renewed commitment to forest protection, under President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva's administration, is reflected in a sharp decline in deforestation rates. But this is just the beginning. Brazil is also working to deliver the bold ideas, scalable finance, and robust partnerships that the global green transformation demands. Nature-based solutions — which simultaneously advance environmental imperatives and ensure sustainable economic growth — are central to this effort. Recognising that the preservation of existing nature produces the fastest, most cost-effective results, these solutions are typically based on three pillars: protect, restore, and manage. To protect forests, Brazil is advancing innovative approaches, both domestically and internationally. At home, the country is helping to pioneer a jurisdictional approach, which links carbon finance to state-level action to protect forests, as part of the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change's framework for 'reducing emissions from deforestation and forest degradation in developing countries' (REDD+). Brazil's jurisdictional REDD+ programmes reward regions for reducing deforestation, enhancing forest carbon stocks, and ensuring that benefits reach indigenous peoples and local communities. The state of Tocantins is a worthy example: its forest-protection programme, which aims to generate high-integrity carbon credits, has been shaped by inclusive public consultations and features strong governance. An initial issuance of jurisdictional REDD+ credits is expected early next year. At the international level, Brazil has proposed a $125 billion Tropical Forest Forever Facility, which would reward developing countries with historically low rates of deforestation and compensate them for upholding good stewardship. Unlike carbon markets, which focus on verified reductions in emissions, the TFFF would provide predictable, long-term payments to countries based on the number of hectares conserved. These two approaches are highly complementary. Jurisdictional programmes address the imperative of reducing deforestation now through performance-based finance, while the TFFF offers the steady, long-term support that is needed to sustain those gains. Together, they correct a critical market failure: the undervaluing of standing forests. Forest protection is not easy: it demands rigorous oversight, transparent benefit-sharing, and unwavering community engagement. But when done right, it can unlock significant climate finance, catalyse private-sector participation, and drive sustainable development. The Race to Belém initiative, of which I am CEO, aims to make the most of this potential by mobilising a huge amount of private-sector investment for forest protection in advance of COP30. But protection is only the first pillar. Brazil is also making strides in nature restoration and sustainable land management. It has set a number of ambitious goals, including restoring 12 million hectares of forested areas by 2030; converting 40 million hectares of degraded pastureland into productive systems for food, biofuels, and high-productivity forests over the next decade; and promoting a bioeconomy that respects nature and people. The Brazil Restoration and Bioeconomy Finance Coalition, which seeks to mobilise $10 billion in private investment by 2030, underscores the growing role of the business sector in this process. Far from just another diplomatic gathering, COP30 is shaping up to be a defining moment for climate action – and, in particular, forest preservation, restoration, and management. With Belém located on the edge of the Amazon, delegates will be immersed in the landscape they seek to protect. More importantly, their host will present them with a menu of proven nature-based solutions – behind which political momentum and private-sector support are already building – that address the many causes of forest loss. The foundations for transformative action are already in place. The challenge will be for Brazil to build on its success in harnessing national policy, sub-national action, and private-sector engagement to accelerate progress and spearhead a new global model of climate action. Copyright: Project Syndicate, 2025. Keith Tuffley, Tuffley, a former head of investment banking, partner, and board member at Goldman Sachs Australia, is CEO of Race to Belém, a group campaigning to raise finance for forest protection in Brazil.

Use clarity to fight fakery
Use clarity to fight fakery

Observer

time16-07-2025

  • Observer

Use clarity to fight fakery

I was catching up on the news when a headline from Brazil caught my eye. COP30's presidency has initiated a global call to address what they are identifying as climate disinformation. Not soft miscommunication. Not public confusion. Disinformation. The kind that spreads fast, wears the voice of someone familiar and takes root before facts can catch up. Proposals are now open for groups around the world, especially from the Global South, to build tools that defend truth in the climate fight. It felt overdue. Just days earlier, a friend had sent me one of those familiar, long WhatsApp messages claiming that Oman's newly announced wind farms will 'vacuum the clouds", blaming recent shifts in rainfall on clean energy. There was no evidence cited, no meteorological data, just a concerned tone and sweeping conclusions. The message sounded scientific, but it wasn't. It had already moved through three different WhatsApp groups before anyone asked if it was even true. This is the thing about climate disinformation. It doesn't always come in shouting. It slides into chats, dressed like a question or a worry, and before long it shapes how people vote, what policies they resist, and what solutions they no longer believe in. These stories reshape trust, rewire public emotion and wear down resolve. The issue extends beyond merely fake news; it revolves around narrative warfare. Sometimes these narratives deny the science altogether. Sometimes they delay action by saying the transition is too expensive or too fast. Sometimes they distort a single event, like a cold spell in winter, to argue the planet is not warming. Sometimes they distract, pointing at litter or plastic waste and insisting we focus on that instead. And more often than not, they greenwash. They make emissions look cleaner than they are. They make fossil fuel companies sound like climate champions. This is not theory. This is everyday life. This is watching your neighbours grow sceptical of wind farms. This is hearing someone on the radio say climate change is just part of a cycle. This is seeing an ad that calls petrol clean because the font is green and the background has a leaf. Disinformation spreads fast, wears the voice of someone familiar, and takes root before facts can catch up. Researchers have mapped how to respond: detect, deconstruct, debunk and then deploy the truth in ways that travel just as fast. But most of us are not researchers. So what do we do? We pause. We ask where the story came from. We verify the date. We compare it to trusted reports, like those from our Meteorology Officer and international bodies like the IPCC. We ask who benefits if we believe it. And we respond gently, clearly and early, before the story hardens into belief. That is called pre-bunking, and it matters more than we realise. This work cannot take place on the periphery. The mayors of London and Paris have warned about how disinformation campaigns, some even funded by fossil fuel interests, have undermined clean air zones and delayed much-needed reforms. The same is true here, though the disguise may look more local, more familiar. It is not always loud, but it is always strategic. And the longer it goes unchecked, the harder it becomes to move forward. Oman has no time for this. Our fisheries are exposed, our coasts are shifting and our cities are already contending with more extreme weather. The farmers of Al Batinah do not need myths about solar farms. They need facts that help them adapt to drier seasons. Every minute we spend chasing rumours is a minute we lose preparing the systems that will carry us through what is coming. Climate disinformation is not just frustrating. It is dangerous. It erodes trust. It slows response. And it isolates people from the truth at the moment they most need to act on it. If you have encountered this information, whether it landed in your inbox or appeared on your screen, understand that you are not imagining it. Recognise that it carries weight and is not without consequences. We also know there are effective ways to counteract it. This can be achieved not through argument or confrontation, but through clarity, context and care. The message from Belém serves as a reminder that the fight for climate action extends beyond boardrooms and summit halls; it unfolds in family chats, group messages and during our morning scrolls. And in that space, each of us has a role. Truth travels slowly. But it still arrives if we make room for it and protect it.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store