
Two Thackerays, One Stage: Is Maharashtra Politics Witnessing A Reset?
The rally, officially termed a 'victory rally', held at the NSCI Dome in Worli, was billed as a celebration of the Maharashtra government's rollback of its contentious three-language formula, which proposed Hindi as the default third language in schools. But the real headline was not the policy reversal. It was the public reunion of the Thackeray cousins, long divided by ideology, personality, and political ambition.
The Mahayuti government's move to implement Hindi as a default third language under the NEP 2020 had met with strong resistance from Marathi cultural and political groups. The public outcry prompted a hasty retreat by Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis, who clarified that Hindi would not be mandatory. Yet, the damage had been done, and in that backlash, a moment was created, one that the Thackeray cousins seized to full effect and perhaps test the waters for a deeper political alliance ahead of the crucial Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC) elections.
For Uddhav, this rally, which came on the heels of weeks of backlash against the Mahayuti government's order, was an opportunity to stake a claim once again as the voice of Marathi pride and Hindutva with a human face. For Raj, it was a strategic moment to reposition himself as a cultural warrior with a more inclusive tone.
In a packed auditorium with thunderous applause, Uddhav Thackeray, Shiv Sena (UBT) chief, declared, 'We have come together to stay together." His words, though brief, carried enormous political weight. For observers and party workers alike, the message was unmistakable: the Thackeray split that fractured Maharashtrian politics in 2006 might finally be healing.
Raj Thackeray, MNS chief, struck a similar note of reconciliation but added a characteristically sharp edge. 'What Balasaheb could not do, Devendra Fadnavis has done, he brought us together,' he quipped, turning the tables on the BJP, which he implied had unwittingly united the brothers through its missteps on language policy.
This line, part sarcasm and part political theatre, drew laughs, but also raised eyebrows. Was this a mere coincidence, or was the BJP's dominance in Maharashtra now giving its opponents a reason to regroup?
The rhetoric was familiar, but the tone was collaborative. For once, both Thackerays seemed aligned, not just in the message, but in mission. Both leaders subtly reframed the language controversy into a larger ideological battleground, where Marathi identity, cultural pride, and regional autonomy are now pitted against what they view as Delhi's imposed nationalism.
Raj Thackeray did not hold back in his speech. While emphasising that all communities in Maharashtra must respect Marathi, he made it clear that violence in the name of the language was unacceptable. 'There is no need to beat someone if they don't speak Marathi. But if someone does unnecessary drama, then yes, slap them, but don't make a video of it,' he said, half-jokingly, to a crowd that laughed, cheered, and nodded in approval.
Uddhav, meanwhile, took on the BJP directly. 'They ask what we did for the Marathi people in Mumbai. We ask them, what have you done in the last 11 years? You are pushing Mumbai's businesses and institutions to Gujarat,' he said. His critique was sharp and nationalistic, contrasting Mumbai's Marathi legacy with what he called the BJP's 'outsourcing' of state pride.
He didn't stop there. In a fiery moment, he said, 'Who are you to teach us Hindutva? When riots happened, it was the Marathi people who protected every Hindu here. If fighting for justice makes us goons, then yes, we are goons.'
Raj, too, addressed the ongoing language debate, adding a national flavour to his argument, citing that even icons like Balasaheb Thackeray and L.K. Advani were educated in English-medium schools. 'It's not about the medium, it's about your pride in your language,' he said, pointing to how South Indian politicians had embraced their native tongues despite similar backgrounds.
The Political Chessboard Set
The rally was more than a flash of nostalgia. This reunion isn't merely communicative; it's strategic. With the BMC polls on the horizon, a reunited Thackeray front could threaten the BJP and Eknath Shinde-led Shiv Sena's dominance in urban Marathi constituencies.
But questions remain. Will this unity extend beyond rhetoric and symbolism? Can two fiercely independent political identities work together in the trenches of civic polls? What would seat-sharing look like? And can egos be managed when votes are at stake?
Yet, despite the uncertainty, Saturday's moment in Worli felt like something far bigger than a photo op. It was an emotional reset, a political recalibration, and a reminder that in Maharashtra, identity politics still has the power to unify as much as divide.
Uddhav Thackeray strongly said, 'This is just the beginning.' If this is the opening trailer of a larger narrative, Maharashtra's political environment, and particularly the BMC polls, may soon witness a game-changing sequel. But for now, one thing is clear: the Thackeray brand has returned, and it's speaking in unison.
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