Israel Orders Closure of All UNRWA Schools in Jerusalem
Tensions escalated in the occupied West Bank on Tuesday as Israeli forces shot and killed a Palestinian woman near the village of Haris, while violent clashes broke out at Al-Quds University in Abu Dis, injuring dozens of students.
Meanwhile, Israeli authorities ordered the closure of all United Nations Relief and Works Agency (
UNRWA
) schools in Jerusalem within 30 days, as plans are underway to transfer students to Israeli municipality-run schools.
According to the Palestinian Ministry of Health, the Palestinian General Authority for Civil Affairs
confirmed
the death of Amana Ibrahim Mohammed Yaqoub, 30, who was shot by Israeli forces near Salfit, south of Nablus. Her body was found lying by the roadside near Haris village.
Amana Yaqoub, a mother of three and a lawyer from the nearby village of Biddya, was reportedly killed close to Salfit and the Ariel settlement, an area dense with Israeli settlements.
A video circulating online showed her body surrounded by Israeli soldiers, two of whom were seen covering her with a sheet.
Israeli forces have expanded military operations across the West Bank, intensifying actions in the governorates of Tulkarem and Jenin. Settler groups also renewed attacks against Palestinians and their properties.
The Israeli army launched a series of raids and searches in various parts of the West Bank, leading to multiple arrests and property damage. Armed clashes broke out in several areas, further fueling tensions.
At Al-Quds University in Abu Dis, nearly 30 students were injured after Israeli forces stormed the campus and targeted demonstrators with tear gas canisters, according to the Palestinian Red Crescent Society.
In Nablus, Israeli forces installed iron gates and military checkpoints to restrict movement, while a drone attack in Jenin refugee camp caused a large explosion in the Al-Damj neighborhood.
In a separate development, Israeli bulldozers demolished seven homes and several commercial, industrial, and agricultural structures in the West Bank, citing lack of building permits. Meanwhile, settler groups set fire to a wedding hall and spray-painted racist slogans near Salfit.
In Jerusalem, Israeli forces delivered official closure orders to all UNRWA-run schools, giving them 30 days to cease operations.
Arrangements are being made to transfer students to schools managed by the Israeli municipality. The operation involved a large-scale raid in the Shuafat refugee camp, where Israeli forces inspected staff identities at UNRWA schools and raided multiple homes.
Local sources reported that four UNRWA schools in Shuafat, covering both elementary and basic education levels for boys and girls, were targeted.
UNRWA operates key facilities in the area, including the Shuafat and Qalandiya refugee camps, the Indian Corner Clinic, and several other schools across Jerusalem and Sur Baher.
The closure of UNRWA schools is expected to have significant consequences for Palestinian refugee education in the occupied territories, amid rising tensions and ongoing confrontations.
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26 minutes ago
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Palestine in the Claws of Colonialism
'Palestine can give those who study it the main themes for our case as Egyptians.' Ahmed Sadeq Saad, Palestine in the Claws of Colonialism (1947) *** We present here selections from Palestine in the Claws of Colonialism (1947) by Ahmed Sadeq Saad (1919-1988) to explore early progressive writings that predate the Nakba and reject the foundational tenets of Zionist thought upon which the state of Israel was established, a year after the book's publication. These selections take us back to a time when Palestine was still one country, not yet divided between Arabs and Jews. They also introduce to us the legacy of a leftist Egyptian thinker of Jewish origin, who engaged early on with the Palestinian issue, an issue that remains in the clutches to this day. We have chosen the following fragments to be published in collaboration with the late author's family. The text appears largely as originally written, with only minimal editorial changes to correct typographical errors, and with footnotes added to support readability. *** Ahmed Sadeq Saad was born Isidor Salvador in 1919 in Shubra to a Jewish family that had settled in Egypt in the late 19th century. His father was a Sephardic Jew — who were expelled en masse from Spain in 1492 — and his mother was Ashkenazi, born in Odessa, now Ukraine. Saad graduated from the Faculty of Engineering at Fuad I University (now Cairo University) in 1942, and spent much of his youth involved in anti-fascist and anti-racist movements. He went on to become a leading figure in the Fagr al-Gadid (New Dawn) movement, a communist group active in the 1940s that later became Taliat al-Omal (the Workers' Vanguard). The group's members included Youssef Darwish, Raymond Duwek, Mahmoud al-Askary, Ahmed Roshdy Saleh, Taha Saad Othman, and Abu Seif Youssef. Saad was imprisoned between 1948 and 1950 under the monarchy, and again between 1959 and 1964 under the republic. His writings spanned the economic and social history of Egypt, the history of Palestine and Israel, political analysis of Nasserism and the January 1977 riots, as well as readings of economic theory by Islamist thinkers. He died in 1988 in Heliopolis, Cairo. Palestine in the Claws of Colonialism was published in 1947, prior to both the United Nations General Assembly's resolution to partition Palestine later that year and the events of the Nakba and the founding of Israel. It was Saad's third book, following The Peasant's Problem (1945) and The Tragedy of Supply (1946). The book is built on a central premise: Zionism is a form of settler colonialism backed by the British Empire. Saad argues that the Palestinian cause is the cause of all colonized peoples — the struggle for liberation from imperialism and the eradication of its political, social and economic structures. The 1940s, after all, were years marked by the rise of national liberation movements, especially in Asia and Africa. Saad rejects Zionist narratives that claim the Palestinian national movement and broader Arab solidarity with it are rooted in religious or ethnic hatred of Jews. He believes that the economic exploitation of Palestine's resources, primarily of its land, is at the core of the issue and that the real benefactors of Palestine's colonization are a monopolizing class of Jewish and non-Jewish businessmen. In fact, British imperialism and Zionism are what created obstacles for a progressive democratic project and parliamentary life in Palestine. They invested in fueling resentment between Arabs and Jews, especially among the classes that toil the most in society. Saad also refuses the idea of partitioning Palestine into two states, an idea that first appeared in reports issued by the committees formed by the British Mandate government following the Palestine riots of 1933-1936. Instead, the solution Saad proposes is a coalition of the more progressive forces of Arabs and Palestinian Jews against both British imperialism and Zionism. The author relies on a large number of official and unofficial sources, such as the Peel Commission report (1937) and the Woodhead Commission report (1938), the Hussein Fakhry al-Khaldi (mayor of Jerusalem from 1934-1937) report, and documents from the National Liberation League in Palestine. He also relies on early writings by Egyptian and Arab Marxists on the issue, such as Zionism (1944) by Anwar Kamel and Zionism (1945) by Farajallah al-Helou. Saad's bibliography also includes Fading Jewishness (1933) by Otto Heller, a Jewish Austrian-Czech-German communist intellectual. In his Marxist analysis of the Jewish question, Heller argues that the salvation of Jews from the persecution they have endured throughout history lies not in seeking a solution as an independent religious group or searching for an alleged promised land, but in participating in different countries' liberation movements. Saad completed a new edition of his book in 1972, drawing — as he notes in the introduction — on research he conducted in 1969 for an expanded edition of Al-Taliaa magazine on the Palestinian issue, which was never published in full. Though he was unable to publish this expanded and revised edition, it included a critical engagement with class struggle inside Israel, along with critical analyses of Fatah and the 'main intellectual position of the Nasser regime on the Palestinian issue.' What prevented its publication, in Saad's words, was that 'this second edition contains a radical critique of the predominant Arab political currents at that time, when it comes to the Palestinian issue, and the entire mentality that these currents are expressing.' Acknowledgements To E.S. [1] who fell in Italy Square in defense of freedom. – S.S. It may seem strange for the reader to write on the problems of Palestine when we in Egypt are going through one of the most delicate phases of our history. But in reality, the Palestine issue is no different in its essence than our own, for it is also a liberation from foreign imperialism and a reactionary regime forced on the people. Perhaps reflection on Palestine and its developments may benefit the patriotic Egyptian directly, because it is a clear situation, without the maneuvers that take place behind the scenes, as is the case in Egypt. From this perspective, Palestine can give those who study it the main themes for our case as Egyptians. The author *** Zionism It is not enough to analyze imperialism at large, and especially British imperialism, to understand the Palestinian issue. Imperialism has been used as a tool to gain a foothold in Palestine. In truth, the word 'tool' does not, in this case, fully convey the intended meaning, as Zionism is not merely a tool in the hands of British colonialism, nor is it entirely separate from it. Rather, Zionism is the associate of British colonialism in Palestine and its protégé, both exchanging support and sharing in the benefits. British imperialism is trying to paint its support to Zionism in an ethical and idealistic manner, in the name of 'helping' poor 'persecuted' Jews settle somewhere safe, away from racist pressure. Zionism goes further; it speaks in the name of Jewish 'nationalism' and of the Jewish people's right to claim their 'homeland' or 'Eretz Israel.' Some people may be swayed by these idealistic claims, and there is a debate about the 'rights' of the Jewish people and the rights of Arabs, or the idea that saving Jews from persecution should not result in the persecution of Arabs. But the time has come for the debate to move to a new stage. Experience has taught us that liberating Palestine from British and Zionist colonialism cannot happen by convincing the colonizers of Arab rights or castigating Zionism for its violent actions. Experience taught us that popular struggle is the only thing that can save Palestine, and those in the popular struggle should fully understand their enemies. People should know that British imperialism and Zionism are only looking for material gain in Palestine; for the many gold pounds that will line the pockets of English and Zionist capitalists, Jews and non-Jews alike. Here we can ask: How do we explain the continuation of the Jewish problem for centuries? Is it the 'subversive' elements inherent to the Jewish spirit as the Nazis say? Is it the repugnance of other races from the Jewish people? Is it the exalted 'message' that the 'chosen people' carry? The truth is that trying to explain the Jewish problem in an ethical or idealistic way is untenable, because this exact problem has not been constant throughout Jewish history. Jews have enjoyed support at different points in European history from some governments and rulers. Moreover, the persecution they suffered during turbulent historical periods was not monolithic. The feudal clergy persecuted Jews in the middle ages, whereas Alfred Rosenberg [2] called for their racial hatred. Meanwhile, some reactionary Arabs attribute the tragedy of Palestine to Jews alone. For all of this, it is necessary to tie the Zionist movement to the history of the Jewish people and tie both to the development of human society and its systems. The persecution of Jews, their migration and the Zionist exploitation of their circumstances, are all social currents that cannot be divorced from the life of society itself — indeed, these currents can only be explained through this life. A glimpse into the history of Jews In early written history, the Jewish people were a nomadic society composed of tribes. In the parts of the Torah that recount the history of the Israelites before they settled in Palestine, their lifestyle is described accurately: their livelihood depended on cattle rearing and similar activities. In this, they were no different from other nomadic tribes of the Middle East at the time, many of which still exist today. There is no doubt that such nomadic groups played a central role in trade during an era when economic development had yet to give rise to a merchant class in each country. As a result, the Hebrew tribes became adept at trading commodities and transporting them by camel through the many deserts in the Middle East. These tribes, at some point in their history, came to Palestine, an important trade center in the eastern Mediterranean, with a confluence of trade routes linking Asia Minor with the Levant, Persia and India, with Egypt from one side and the Phoenician lands from the other (It is well known that trade in the latter countries is what linked the eastern Mediterranean to the west). In the ruins of Tall al-Amarena, clay manuscripts found in 1887 contained letters sent by Egyptian employees to pharaohs, accurately outlining the trade activities of the Canaanite tribes. The letters also indicated that another nomadic tribe, the Kabireyeen [3], had pushed them out of their centers. Thus, Palestine was naturally a trade center even before the arrival of Hebrews. And so, having been involved in trade before, they found themselves in more favorable circumstances than ever before. The profession of trade became closely associated with them for all of their history, especially since Palestine did not have a thriving agricultural sector like Egypt did at the time, which pushed the Hebrews further down this path. The various military campaigns that swept through the eastern Mediterranean in ancient times always passed through the land of the Hebrews, often forcing them to migrate. The Assyrian and Babylonian invasions of Palestine, for example, led the upper classes of Hebrews to migrate to the capitals of the invading powers, where they continued their trade. Meanwhile, the lower classes, the poor, suffered the pains of occupation and enslavement. In this way, many Jewish communities gradually moved from Palestine itself to all the major commercial centers of the Middle East. Ancient historians mention the presence of Jewish merchants in Syria, Persia, the Taurus region, Asia Minor, Cyprus, Rhodes, Athens and Crete, while the conquests of Alexander the Great also brought Jews to Egypt and Antioch [4]. In these different trade centers, Jews adopted a more sophisticated financial and trading economy because of their long experience and relationships with one another — economic relationships cemented by common religious doctrine. Jews, for example, are the ones who invented the system which allows for a particular person to order a second person to pay a sum of money to a third person, and this is still the same system used in commercial and financial relations today. This is why we find that Greek and Roman rulers would be sympathetic to Jews, giving them special privileges, primarily the right to be tried in accordance with their own laws and have their religion and temples protected. European society moved away from the slavery system to the feudal system, and in the first part of it — until circa 1300 — rich Jews kept their privileges inherited from the old ages, as they were involved in trade and mediation with other merchants and particularly played the role of bankers, namely exchanging currencies and saving deposits, etc. In the middle ages, there were Jews in all the trade centers, which had now moved from the eastern Mediterranean to the western Mediterranean — French coastal cities such as Narbonne, Marseilles, Arles and Italian coastal cities such as Genoa, Palermo, Naples and Venice. During this period, Jews found support and sympathy from the ruling classes, which saw them as a force for progress and economic prosperity. In these centers of trade, Jews could stay in designated areas, which was not foreign to feudal life — it was a general tradition that foreigners have areas designated for them — Italians had their area, as did the Dutch, the Portuguese, and so on. As the feudal economy developed and economic centers shifted from the shores of the Mediterranean to western European countries, we observe that Jews also moved along this shift. They appear in the rest of French cities, in England, Germany, the Netherlands, etc. They arrive in these places with their extensive trade experience, passed along generations. We must not imagine the Jewish merchant in those times as a small or middle merchant or moneylender, as we often tend to do now. Jews of that time were directly involved in the production, transport and storage of many goods. As for engaging in small jobs, this was not widespread except among Jews of the Mediterranean coast, likely due to the decline of commerce in those areas. The second stage of the middle ages — from 1300 to 1600 — also marks a stage in Jewish history. In those three and half centuries, feudal society developed and capitalist underpinnings began to appear. During this feudal period, a non-Jewish French merchant class emerged in France, a Dutch one in the Netherlands, a Spanish one in Spain, etc… Naturally, this emerging class clashed with its competing Jewish class. Therefore, this period became known for the widespread persecution of Jews, aimed at removing them from the circulation of goods and excluding them from direct involvement in production. It was then that the misery of Jews began, as they shifted from being well-off merchants and financiers to small middlemen who could barely survive through small jobs. It was also during this time that the restless movement of Jews across Europe began, briefly settling in one country before violent uprisings would erupt against them, forcing them to flee to another, and so on. This anxious migration of Jews is but a reflection of a deep economic and social crisis that shook feudal society violently and gradually expanded into mass revolutions; the English Revolution at the end of the 17th century and the French Revolution at the end of the 18th century, of which the current capitalist system was born. Jews were expelled during this period from Spain, then France and England as well, and their persecution had spread to Germany (in the 14th, 15th and 16th centuries). They therefore fled to Eastern Europe; Poland, Romania and Russia. At the time, Eastern Europe was not as advanced as the West. We have noted that the persecution of Jews in Western Europe and Spain was primarily to dismantle their monopoly over trade and finance. However, Western European countries witnessed rapid economic and social development, strengthening the emerging force of capitalism, which fought against rotting feudal remnants to take political power from its hands and eliminate the obstacles that stood in the way of economic progress and the industrial revolution. It was at this time that the greatest thinkers emerged, including Voltaire, Rousseau and Diderot, who called for freedom and the establishment of a political system based on fair, logical principles. The revolutions were a turning point in human history, as they also marked a third stage of Jewish history, a period where society had absorbed them. They were no longer a special social class separate from the rest. In this way, the Jewish merchant or banker was no different from the Catholic or Protestant merchant or banker, after the revolutions in England, the United States and France decided all religions were equal before the law. By emancipating the Jews, there was an emergence of lords (Montefiori [5]), prime ministers (Disraeli, Blum [6]), and therefore they had assimilated with society in Western Europe and the United States. In some countries where revolutions were coupled with national liberation movements, Jews had a noticeable participation because they rightly saw within these movements their own emancipation from the chains of the old feudal system. In Italy, for example, Jews were part of the national struggle, and of those who lived in Livorno and Genoa, many joined the Italian nationalist movement from its onset. [Another example is] the unique mechanisms of Jews in the Hungarian revolution [7] led by Kossuth [8] against the Austrian royal family's autocracy — the Habsburg family. And why go so far, to Europe, to give an example? Egyptian Jews such as Moussa al-Yehudi and Yaqub Sanu played a role in the Egyptian national movement at the beginning of the current [20th century] century. As for Central and Eastern Europe, Jews there turned from banking and major trading businesses to usury and small-scale brokering. This change can be explained by the nationalist capitalism of these countries and the exclusion of Jews from their previous domains. Jews were expelled from the cities to the countryside, which had not yet been impacted by capitalism. There, Jews made a living at the expense of peasants using exorbitant interest. Therefore, the peasant revolutions in Central and Eastern Europe were coupled with widespread persecution against Jews. Many Jews from Eastern Europe fled to the United States, Canada, Argentina and southern Africa, and that is the source of the large [Jewish] communities there, especially in New York, which plays a major role in the economy of the United States. Are Jews a nation? Are Jews a nation? We could simply answer this question by referring the reader to Jewish history, which shows that they were a nation when they settled in Palestine, but turned into a special social class that had a specific economic role when they left Palestine and became scattered around the world, and that the remaining nationalist traits — Hebrew language, culture and traditions — withered away bit by bit with the development of society. As such, we cannot say Jews are a nation. However, this question is so important, we cannot answer it with such brevity, because Zionist propaganda puts Jewish nationalism as its focus. It affirms that Jews are a nation, not just a religious sect, and that the only thing the Jewish nation lacks is its homeland (Palestine). Therefore, Zionism turns Jewish migration to Palestine and Zionist occupation of it into a legitimate thing, that doesn't only pertain to a humanitarian issue of finding refuge for persecuted Jews, but goes beyond it to the right to self-determination: The self-determination of all Jews, persecuted or otherwise. We must then answer this question with more scrutiny. First, what is a nation? A nation is a stable group formed historically, whose members share, to a large degree, a common language, location and economic and social life, and which finds expression in a common culture. There is no doubt that many Jews, the Jews of western Europe and the US, lack the majority of these characteristics, even if not wholly. Before all else, they lack a common area because they are between the US, central and South America, England, and central and eastern Europe — so how can Jews be a nation if they do not have a common home? The majority of Jews do not speak a common language: French Jews speak French, English Jews speak English, Spanish and Latin American Jews speak Spanish, as for the Jews of central and eastern Europe, they speak their own language, Yiddish, a mix of German, Polish and Hebrew. As for Hebrew, it is a dead language, only used in religious rituals. It's true that Hebrew is used by the Jews of Palestine, but this is not enough to deem it a national language because it assumes all of Palestine's Jews speak it, which is untrue. Therefore, Hebrew cannot be considered the Jews' language because only 3.1 percent or 500,000 of the world's Jews speak it. As for other national characteristics, they are either not present or almost disappeared: the Jews of eastern Europe and Latin America or Australia cannot be tied to a common economy or history; the Jews of eastern Europe are an integral part of eastern Europe, their history is tied to its history. The truth is that traditions and a bit of culture are the only characteristic one can find in all Jews, because consecutive persecutions forced them to somewhat collaborate with each other or at least stick together on a sectarian basis to repel attacks against them by rulers. But this is not at all enough for Jews to be a nation, and this is a truth the Jews of western Europe in particular feel. As for eastern Europe, and specifically Poland, Romania and Czarist Russia, capitalist progress was fused with remnant feudal elements in the economy and society. This progress could not prevent Jews from participating in it, so its social consequences affected Jews themselves. In eastern Europe, a relatively large class of Jewish labor emerged from the Jews who held smaller jobs and went bankrupt because of capitalist progress. The relative period of ease Jews experienced between their migration to eastern Europe and the emergence of the first religious persecutions in the early 20th century, then their concentration in specific areas, especially eastern Poland, in the city of Łódź and the spread of Yiddish, gave them some clear national characteristics, unlike those in western Europe. Therefore, the Jewish issue took on some of the forms of a national issue at the end of the 19th century in eastern Europe. However, the Jewish problem was not the only national issue in these areas, which were known for hosting a strange mix of different national groups. Russia [9] was forced to examine the problems of different national groups enslaved by Tsardom (the Ukrainians, the Belarussians, the Uzbeks, the Circassians, the Karelians, etc.) from the national side and from the sectarian and ethnic side. Yiddish has now become the official Jewish language in the Soviet Union and special Yiddish culture faculties were opened in the universities of Ukraine and Belarus. Three major Jewish newspapers and Yiddish theaters were founded, including the famous theater in Moscow. There are also prominent Yiddish writers. Zionism is a reactionary m ovement In light of this development in the condition of the Jews and their relationship with the outside world, we cannot but deem Zionism to be a reactionary movement in the scientific sense of the word, meaning that it is a movement that seeks to reverse the direction of the wheel of history. The trajectory of Jewish history is clear and unambiguous: Impoverished Jews assimilate with the nationalist characteristics of their surrounding environments, while the Jews of eastern Europe develop the Yiddish nationalist characteristics to which they have access. Zionism, on the other hand, seeks to establish a Jewish national homeland in Palestine for all Jews, eastern and western, and to hold on to a dead language and traditions that are undoubtedly fading away. This movement was not the first of several hysterical attempts in Jewish history. Flavius Josephus [10], a famous Jewish historian in Roman times, recounts that Jewish movements in Palestine, such as the Zealots [11] and the Essenes [12], sought to bring the Jewish people back to farming the land. He also wrote of the Bar Kokhba revolt [13], an armed Jewish uprising against Roman occupation. Rome ultimately crushed these movements decisively. Yet, from their inception, these movements stood in contradiction to the social evolution of the Jews and their historical trajectory toward commerce and finance in the old economy that lacked these aspects. But the 'nationalist' movement that called itself Zionism gained particular momentum amid the shifting conditions of 19th century society — namely, the shift from a free capitalist system to an imperialist capitalism. This phase exerted immense pressure on the middle classes, who started to hysterically seek a way out of their predicament, and found it in radical nationalist ideologies. These ideologies aligned closely with the interests of major imperial powers, which sought to rally the people into imperialist wars under the guise of noble ideals, including nationalist values. If we keep in mind the social makeup of the Jewish people and the high proportion of merchants, financiers and intermediaries among them, one can understand the influence of nationalist doctrines on them. This is why Zionism emerged as a radical nationalist movement among small-scale, reactionary capitalist Jews seeking a way out of their predicament — a solution not shaped by external relations, but rather a unique and special solution for them, one that they can hold on to despite historical developments aiming to erase their character as Jews, though not, of course, as human beings. The Jewish Zionist 'nationalist' movement gained backing from powerful Jewish financiers in the West, who saw an opportunity to increase profits by mobilizing working-class Jews from eastern and western Europe. This is how the project of a 'Jewish state' was born, 'to bring together the Jewish people, revive their history and language, and accommodate them in a suitable homeland to establish a modern state.' [14] Jewish capitalists got what they wanted, as they reaped benefits unavailable to other nationalist movements. The lengthy time needed to establish a Jewish state, the delays in its realization, and the very improbability of the idea all enabled prolonged deception of the Jewish masses, keeping them in a state of sacrifice for longer. The revival of the dead Hebrew language became another tool of mystification, hindering intellectual development and deferring collective awakening. But neither these emotional attempts, nor the modern Nazi attempts to steer Jews away from humanity's general development could materialize, because they are failed attempts to quash particular historical contradictions that are an immutable part of current societal contradictions. Therefore, these attempts can only be expected to increase Jewish pain by finding new contradictions, whose grave consequences will be suffered by working-class Jews. The Zionist call found relative responsiveness among Jewish masses due to the consecutive persecutions they suffered and the influence of Jewish religious beliefs, which say that the rising of the Messiah, or a savior, will redeem them from the state they are in. That is why you don't find Zionists confronting racist ideologies head on — they may even take comfort in it, because racist persecution is what arms Zionists to drive Jewish immigrants to Palestine, as Ruppin [15] says: 'The decline of racism against Jews will result in the decline of Zionism, as the anti-Jewish racist movement is an inflammatory good in service of Zionism.' The supporters of Zionism always say that the persecution of Jews is an eternal condition, regardless of social or governmental systems, and whether democracy or fascism prevails. In this way, they deny human development in order to imbue Jews with despair from the outside world and give up their positive active share in it. Indeed, the strength of Jewish immigration to Palestine was directly linked to the intensity of persecution faced by Jews in Europe. Immigration surged after the Mandate was declared, then declined around 1926, only to rise again after Hitler came to power in Germany. It is worth noting that 25 percent of the Jews who went to Palestine between 1922 and 1929 returned to their countries of origin. In fact, in 1927, the number of returnees exceeded the number of new arrivals by 2,300 people. The persecution of Jews in Europe created the favorable conditions without which Zionism could not survive. Zionism is not about finding a refuge for persecuted Jews; it is not a question of refugee settlement. The proof is that consecutive Zionist conferences rejected different proposals for specific places, other than Palestine, for Jewish settlement, such as Uganda in 1904, Angola in 1912, Madagascar in 1936, the US Virgin Islands (an offer from the United States), and even […] Rhodesia. The Zionists, however, held on to Palestine on the basis that it is their historic 'right,' disregarding that history is not made with legal rights — that if Jews have any legal rights to Palestine after they left it 2000 years ago! Of course, Zionism tries to portray immigration to Palestine as something more than mere shelter. In all Zionist associations, one finds large paintings on walls claiming that Jews in Palestine have transformed from a people 'outside the sphere of production into real producers, farmers and workers.' Thus, Zionism calls for a 'return to the land' so that the Jewish people may become a proper people drawing their strength from the homeland's soil. But these are blatant falsehoods. These reports and official statistics show that Jewish merchants, small producers and middlemen moved to Palestine to work as merchants, small producers and small middlemen. 'A third of migrants went to the land to colonize it, which means that the migration movement was geared primarily toward cities, not the countryside.' [16] And 'in 1925, the percentage of land used by Jewish citizens was 7.3 percent, today it is 6.4 percent. In the UK, this percentage is 6.4 percent and in Belgium seven percent.' [17] However, not all those who live in the countryside work in agriculture. The 1929 Keren Hayesod [18] association report shows that '49.7 percent of those living in settlements in fact work in agriculture […] and in 1927, the percentage of those working in agriculture in the settlements was less than 20 percent, declining to 12.3 percent by 1935.' The issue of work in cooperative settlements is a major fraud, especially in the 'communist' colonies, which strip workers of their money and exploit them in the worst ways in the name of ideals, so that the profits go into the funds of Keren Hayesod and the Jewish colonial monopoly. The reactionary, extremist, nationalist character of Zionism manifests in its fight against Yiddish — a living language with a rich culture, as we said before — and its quest to revive Hebrew, a dead language that has nothing to do with our present civilization. Moreover, reviving Hebrew is very important for Zionism, as the Jew who grew up in Palestine does not know another language, which ties them to Palestine with heavy chains, in such a way that they cannot go back to their countries of origin. Despite all of this, what has Zionism done? Or what has it achieved in terms of founding a Jewish national home in Palestine? Can the migration of 3.1 percent of the world's Jews to Palestine really be considered a solution to the Jewish problem? The settlement of Jews in Palestine in this limited way is worthy of mockery. Zionism says it wants Palestine so persecuted Jews can go there, but its own statistics show otherwise. The 120,00 German Jews who left Germany in 1936 spread around the world as follows: 25,000 settled in France and England 25,000 settled in Palestine 18,000 settled in Italy 15,000 settled in the United States 8,000 settled in South America This means that German Jews who went to Palestine only make up 29 percent of all Jews escaping Nazi persecution. What does Zionism have to say about that? It says: 'Founding a new national home in Palestine would remove the severity of the problem. And while [Palestine] cannot take in all Jews, its presence makes everyone's conditions better.' Through such tricks, lies, and appeals to emotional and religious sentiments, 'Zionism was able to keep the Jewish masses under its own political control, steering them away from the broader struggle that the Arab masses were engaged in to liberate Palestine and make it independent. Zionism was able to do this through economic pressure on Jewish workers and through economic and political privileges granted to it by British colonialism.' The Jewish masses in Palestine were not the only victims of Zionism. Another victim, the Arabs, represented for Zionism an even more significant source of ample profit and well-controlled exploitation. This is the second aspect of Zionism's reactionary nature: it not only hinders the historical development of the Jewish question but also stands as a major obstacle to the progress and prosperity of the Arabs of Palestine. The Zionists' purchase of vast tracts of land from feudal landlords only exacerbates the already severe problem of land scarcity among Arabs — a problem with particular weight in colonized countries due to the absence of large-scale industry. Another problem is that the agricultural lands owned by major Zionist companies, such as the Keren Kayemet [19], are designated exclusively for the Jewish people in Palestine, making it impossible for these lands to ever be transferred back into Arab hands. In addition, Zionism's urgent drive to divide the Jewish and Arab working classes leads it to spread propaganda aimed at preventing the employment of Arabs in Jewish institutions. As a result, there are no Arab engineers in the Rutenberg electric companies [20], no Arab employees in Jewish banks, no Arab secretaries in Jewish commercial enterprises, and no Arab doctors in Jewish hospitals. The Histadrut — the Jewish labor union in Palestine — exerts every effort to prevent Jewish business owners from hiring Arab workers. Zionism also stands as a major obstacle to the democratization of governance in Palestine. The British magazine News Chronicle reported that 'Dr. Weizman [21] does not see any need to take into consideration the Arabs' opinions or obtain their approval regarding increased immigration,' and that he 'is not in favor of holding elections or establishing representative governance in Palestine unless the Zionists are assured that their demands will be met.' Of course, this stance is expected from the Zionist perspective, as it cannot advance except by exerting severe pressure on both Jewish and Arab masses. Parliamentary rule would significantly obstruct its operations and dictatorship significantly. In making this statement, Weizman reaffirms Zionism's undemocratic legacy — [a legacy that Theodor] Herzel [22] summed up in his famous words: '… Nor are the present-day nations really suited to the democratic form of government; and I believe they will become less and less suited to it.' Zionism alleges that it speaks for thousands and millions of persecuted Jews so it can obscure its real aim: the occupation of Palestine and the expulsion of Arabs. Its leaders say: 'We must go to Palestine because we have no other choice. We must drive the Arabs away because we have no refuge. But the Arabs have al-Mawsalein [23] and the Arabian Peninsula.' 'Palestine will become Jewish to the extent that the US is American and England is English.' 'As for the goal [the purpose of the Revisionist Party [24]], it is a Jewish state. And, for the sake of this goal, [which] we have described above, the land of Palestine alone will not suffice, but Palestine including the East of Jordan will be sufficient.' In this way, Zionism deceives dedicated Jewish youth, presenting Palestine as within easy reach and portraying the Arabs, not colonialism, as their enemies. Thus, Jews go to Palestine only to once again play their eternal historical role in society — that of the scapegoat — in the struggle between the Arabs and British colonialism. And if this is not sufficient evidence that Zionism is reactionary, let us look at the prominent individuals who support it. There is Lord Shaftsbury [25], for example, who supported Jewish colonization in Palestine even while opposing granting the right to vote to English Jews! There is also D'Arcy Cooper, head of the Unilever company, from which the Zionist enterprise Shemen branches out. This individual played a key role in the 'Anglo-German Friendship Society' and in 1938 hosted Herr von Hadeln — Himmler's deputy [26] at the SS [Schutzstaffel; a major paramilitary under Adolf Hitler] — as his guest. Moreover, 'the Nazi party, ever since it seized power in Germany, organized a wide-ranging operation to facilitate the immigration of German Jews to Palestine with the help of the very same Zionist organizations that remained active in Germany under Nazi rule — whose leaders continued to live and operate freely.' This is because Nazism in Germany persecuted poor and middle-class Jews, but left the major Jewish financiers and industrialists untouched. Until the declaration of war, we used to receive German industrial bulletins bearing advertisements for the products of prominent Jewish industrialists. We must fully understand that the reactionary goals of Zionism are not hidden from the vast majority of Jews. In fact, there are many individuals — and, in the Soviet Union, masses — as well as numerous groups who strongly oppose Zionism. This opposition began with Western Jews, who fiercely and harshly attacked Herzel, seeing his call as a threat to the political and civil rights they had won after long and determined struggle by the previous generation. In the United States — that country whose leaders support Zionism with much fanfare — there are two Jewish anti-Zionist entities: the Jewish American Council and the Jewish American Committee. At the main conference for Jewish rabbis, Rabbi Morris Jacobson said, 'It is difficult to imagine that Jews are not oppressed by Zionism.' All of them understand that the Jewish problem is the problem of minorities and that it will not be solved by Jewish migration to Palestine, especially since Palestine is a small country that can only contain a small percentage of Jews worldwide. Instead, the solution to the Jewish problem will come with solving major social problems, and Jews must undertake their own share of the struggle to achieve this goal, completing in this way the glorious Jewish heritage formed by Mimonides and Spinoza, Einstein, and Moussa al-Yahoudi, who similarly fought against injustice and oppression. *** Footnotes 1. In the dedication of the unpublished second edition, dated 1972, the author writes: 'To my friends who fell defending freedom and socialism: Ibi Stoliar, Dr. Farid Haddad, Abdel Qader Moftah, Louis Ishaq, martyrs — Jews, Christians and Muslims — under one banner.' 2. Nazi theorist and one of Hitler's senior advisors. 3. The reference seems to be to the Apiru tribes, also known as the Habiru tribes. They are a heterogenous group that lived on the peripheries of urban society in the Levant, and have been described as groups of nomads, mercenaries, or bandits. They were mentioned in the Tall al-Amarena letters, a clay tablet archive containing diplomatic correspondence between the Egyptian administration and rulers of neighboring kingdoms in Canaan and Amurru. These letters, discovered in 1887, date back to the mid-14th century BCE. 4. It seems that the Persians brought them to Egypt before Alexander (note in the second edition). 5. Moses Montefiore (1784-1885) was a wealthy member and leader of the Jewish community in Britain. He became Sheriff of London and was knighted. He visited Palestine several times and founded colonies in Galilee and Jaffa as well as industrial projects. 6. Benjamin Disraeli (1881 – 1804): Prime minister of Britain from 1874 and 1880. Léon Blum (1872 – 1950): Prime minister of France for three terms in the 1930s and 1940s. 7. Jews participated in a revolution in 1848 against the Habsburg family, which ruled over Austria and Hungary. This revolution eventually became the Hungarian War of Independence. 8. Lajos Kossuth was a revolutionary leader who called for an expanded parliamentary democracy as well as many reforms. 9. As in the Soviet Union (note in the second edition) 10. Also known as Yosef ben Mattityahu, Jewish philosopher born in Jerusalem in 37. 11. A Jewish political movement that emerged after the Roman takeover of Palestine. Founded around 66 AD, the movement rejected Roman rule and the heavy taxation imposed on Jews. 12. A Sufi Jewish sect that flourished in the period of the second century BC to until the first century AD. 13. A wide-scale rebellion led by Shamoun Bar Kokhba, which lasted approximately from 132 to 136 against the Roman Empire in Judea, due to religious and political tensions, and the strive toward building a new city on the ruins of Jerusalem, and building a temple for the God Jupiter on the Temple hill. 14. The original source did not mention the reference from which this text was extracted (note from the second edition). 15. The reference might be to Arthur Ruppin (1876-1943), a German Zionist leader and economist, who was one of the organizers of Zionist migration and agricultural settlements in Palestine. After moving to Palestine in 1907, Ruppin headed the 'Palestine Office' in Jaffa, which belonged to the World Zionist Organization, and later joined the faculty of the Hebrew University of Jerusalem in 1926, where he founded the Department of Jewish Sociology. 16. The Simpson report, p. 72 [author]. 17. The Peel report, p. 151 [author], published in 1937. 18. Keren Hayesod: A fund established by the World Zionist Organization in 1920 to support the Zionist movement in realizing the Balfour Declaration. This fund served as the financial arm of the Jewish settlers in Palestine prior to the Nakba. 19. Keren Kayemet: 'The Jewish National Fund,' which was founded in the early twentieth century to raise funds for purchasing land to establish Jewish settlements in Ottoman Palestine, and later in Mandatory Palestine. The fund currently owns around 13 percent of the total land in Israel, and its purchase or lease is restricted exclusively to Jews. 20. The Russian Zionist engineer Pinhas Rutenberg (1879-1942) obtained the concession from the British Mandate authorities to exploit the waters of the Yarmouk and Jordan rivers for electricity generation. He later founded the 'Palestine Electricity Company' in 1923, which eventually became the 'Israel Electricity Corporation.' Rutenberg monopolized electricity supply across all of Palestine, imposing it on Palestinian Arab municipalities despite the rejection and resistance of the Palestinian nationalist movement. 21. Chaim Weizman (1874-1952), head of the World Zionist Organization from 1920 to 1946. He was elected the first president of the State of Israel. 22. Theodor Herzl (1860-1941): Hungarian-Austrian journalist, lawyer, and writer. Founder of the World Zionist Organization. 23. Unclear reference 24. 'Revisionist Zionism': A party founded by Ze'ev Jabotinsky at a conference held in Paris in 1925, which affirmed the right of Jews to sovereignty over the entire land of Palestine, including Transjordan, and worked to establish paramilitary groups composed of young settlers. 25. Anthony Ashley-Cooper, 7th Earl of Shaftesbury (1801-1885): A British Conservative politician and one of the most prominent supporters of 'Christian Zionism,' which advocates for the return of the Jews to the Holy Land to fulfil the prophecies of the Old and New Testaments, as a prelude to the Second Coming of Christ. 26. Heinrich Himmler (1929-1945), head of the Schutzstaffel or the SS in Nazi Germany, and considered the architect of the Holocaust. He began targeting Jews and any non-Aryan ethnic groups in 1933, then set up extermination camps in Poland.
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Egypt Praises France's Planned Recognition of Palestine as a Historic Milestone
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Key Somalia town of Maxaas falls to Al-Shabaab - Africa
Islamist militants took control of the strategic town of Maxaas in central Somalia on Sunday after heavy fighting with the army and local militias, military sources said. The Al-Qaeda-linked Al-Shabaab has taken dozens of towns and villages since launching an offensive early this year, reversing almost all of the gains made by the government in its own military campaign in 2022 and 2023. In a statement, Al-Shabaab said it had taken the town of Maxaas, around 300 kilometres (186 miles) from the capital Mogadishu, which is considered a strategic hub for transport and logistics in the central region. Members of the Somali National Army confirmed the fall of Maxaas, though claimed it was a "tactical retreat". Mohamed Dahir, an army commander in the area, told AFP that Al-Shabaab had attacked with "car bombs and hundreds of heavily armed" fighters early on Sunday. "The brave members of the Somali army and the local community militias fought them fiercely outside town before making a tactical retreat to pre-established defensive positions outside town," he said by phone. Maxaas had been held by Ethiopian troops, part of the African Union's security force, until they handed over the military base to the Somali National Army in August 2024. The government had also relied on the support of local militias opposed to Al-Shabaab. "Al-Shabab militants managed to enter the town after heavy fighting this morning," Ali Hayo, a local militia fighter told AFP by phone, speaking from a nearby location. "There is still sporadic gunfire outside town, but I can confirm that the terrorists are now controlling Maxaas. "The fighting is not over, we are still close to the town, and we are expecting to engage in counteroffensives," he said. Follow us on: Facebook Instagram Whatsapp Short link:
