Toll from anti-government memorial marches in Kenya rises to 38
The updated toll makes Monday the deadliest day of demonstrations since the beginning of the youth-led protests against President William Ruto, which have shaken the east African country for more than a year.
The KNHCR, an independent yet state-funded rights body, had previously given a tally of 31 deaths.
Kenya has been grappling with waves of protests from people angry over economic stagnation, police brutality and corruption, with the marches at times degenerating into violence and looting.
Monday's demonstrations saw clashes between protesters and police on the outskirts of Nairobi, though a hefty security deployment kept the marchers out of the capital's centre.
In the wake of the chaos, Ruto ordered officers to shoot protesters in the leg if they engaged in looting, and warned against attempts to "overthrow" his government, in his toughest remarks yet on the unrest.
"The Commission observes that the death toll has now risen to thirty-eight (38) people," a KNCHR statement said on Friday, adding that at least 130 people were injured in Monday's demonstrations.
With eight dead, the southern city of Kiambu saw the most victims, followed by the capital Nairobi and Kajiado to the south with six each, the commission said.
The demonstrations began in June 2024 as a youth-led anti-taxation protest, which subsequently forced the government to withdraw a contested finance bill.
The protesters were repressed by the police with a heavy hand, with Monday's deaths bringing the total toll to more than 100 killed.
Rights groups have pointed the finger at the police for the violence, as well as for the number of protesters who have disappeared in the demonstrations' wake.
Marchers meanwhile, accuse the security forces of hiring armed criminals to chase protesters and paying vandals to discredit their movement.
Kenya's long-running issue with police violence has tarnished the image of a country considered to be a beacon of stability and democracy in a troubled region.
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Eyewitness News
12 hours ago
- Eyewitness News
Toll from anti-government memorial marches in Kenya rises to 38
NAIROBI, KENYA - At least 38 people were killed at anti-government protests commemorating a 1990 uprising against autocratic rule in Kenya, the country's National Commission for Human Rights (KNCHR) said on Friday. The updated toll makes Monday the deadliest day of demonstrations since the beginning of the youth-led protests against President William Ruto, which have shaken the east African country for more than a year. The KNHCR, an independent yet state-funded rights body, had previously given a tally of 31 deaths. Kenya has been grappling with waves of protests from people angry over economic stagnation, police brutality and corruption, with the marches at times degenerating into violence and looting. Monday's demonstrations saw clashes between protesters and police on the outskirts of Nairobi, though a hefty security deployment kept the marchers out of the capital's centre. In the wake of the chaos, Ruto ordered officers to shoot protesters in the leg if they engaged in looting, and warned against attempts to "overthrow" his government, in his toughest remarks yet on the unrest. "The Commission observes that the death toll has now risen to thirty-eight (38) people," a KNCHR statement said on Friday, adding that at least 130 people were injured in Monday's demonstrations. With eight dead, the southern city of Kiambu saw the most victims, followed by the capital Nairobi and Kajiado to the south with six each, the commission said. The demonstrations began in June 2024 as a youth-led anti-taxation protest, which subsequently forced the government to withdraw a contested finance bill. The protesters were repressed by the police with a heavy hand, with Monday's deaths bringing the total toll to more than 100 killed. Rights groups have pointed the finger at the police for the violence, as well as for the number of protesters who have disappeared in the demonstrations' wake. Marchers meanwhile, accuse the security forces of hiring armed criminals to chase protesters and paying vandals to discredit their movement. Kenya's long-running issue with police violence has tarnished the image of a country considered to be a beacon of stability and democracy in a troubled region.
The South African
14 hours ago
- The South African
R3 million payment for Orlando Pirates coach
Orlando Pirates coach Abdeslam Ouaddou has won a major legal case against his former Congolese club AS Vita following a prolonged dispute over wrongful dismissal. Currently in Spain with his new team, Orlando Pirates, for pre-season training, the Moroccan coach received a favourable decision from FIFA's Dispute Resolution Chamber. The verdict comes nearly a year after Ouaddou lodged the complaint with the global football authority. Orlando Pirates news: 100k salary and coach in hospital Abdelsam Ouaddou in charge of Marumo Gallants. Image: Sowetan According to reports from African media on Thursday, FIFA has officially sanctioned AS Vita, ordering the club to pay Ouaddou approximately $180,000 (around R3.2 million) in unpaid wages and bonuses. In addition to the financial penalty, the club now faces a transfer ban that will remain in effect until the full amount is paid. R10 million from Kaizer Chiefs to sign talented PSL winger? The dispute dates back to October 2024, when Ouaddou abruptly parted ways with AS Vita under contentious circumstances. He accused the Kinshasa-based club of unfair treatment and failure to honour his contract, leading him to take the case to FIFA. 'The former coach of AS Vita has won his case against the club and is set to smile all the way to the bank,' an insider told Soccer Laduma. 'He deserves it, as the club owed him a significant amount of money. That's why he left in the first place — not because he wanted to, but because of the situation. 'He believed in the project, and it really was a strong one at one of Africa's top clubs. But he's not focused on the past. He's now fully committed to another exciting project with Orlando Pirates, and he's happy to be there,' the source concluded. This ruling marks a significant win for the coach and highlights the importance of contractual integrity and legal recourse in professional football. Let us know by leaving a comment below, or send a WhatsApp to 060 011 021 1 Subscribe to The South African website's newsletters and follow us on WhatsApp, Facebook, X and Bluesky for the latest news.
IOL News
16 hours ago
- IOL News
Why Africa can no longer afford to outsource its security architecture
A member of the Central African Republic armed forces wears a patch with the logo of the private mercenary group Wagner on his uniform. In countries like Mali and Burkina Faso, private military groups, most notably the Wagner Group (being replaced by African Corps), have become a cornerstone of military regimes, aiding in consolidating power while playing key roles in counterterrorism operations, says the writer. Image: AFP Adeoye O. Akinola ON JUNE 17, the United Nations Working Group on 'the use of mercenaries as a means of violating human rights and impeding the exercise of the right of peoples to self-determination' co-hosted a dialogue with the Institute for Pan-African Thought and Conversation (IPATC) at the University of Johannesburg. The event, titled 'Hybridisation in the Use of Violence: Emerging Trends in Mercenaries, Mercenary-Related Actors, and PMSCs', explored the shifting dynamics of mercenaries and PMSCs in Africa, examining their historical evolution, contemporary manifestations, and the complex challenges of regulating their activities, with particular focus on protocol development and the role of civil society in influencing governance frameworks. Even as many now choose to feign ignorance of the undeniable presence of mercenaries and foreign fighters on African soil, and the havoc they continue to wreak, the revelation of nearly 300 Romanian mercenaries surrendering after being enlisted to fight alongside the national army in Goma, Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) in January this year, has served as a sobering reminder. This development has reinforced the urgency to confront the alarming trend and nature of the externalisation of Africa's peace and security architecture. Despite the prohibitions enshrined in the 1989 International Convention against the Recruitment, Use, Financing and Training of Mercenaries and the 1977 OAU/AU Convention for the Elimination of Mercenarism in Africa, private military and security companies (PMSCs) continue to penetrate and entrench themselves within the security apparatus of states, notably in Mozambique and across the Sahel region. While the meeting sought to draw out the perspectives of civil society actors on how foreign fighters continue to violate the human rights of citizens in affected countries globally, it is essential to interrogate the distinct realities of the African context, cautioning against universal assumptions about the role and capacity of civil society in confronting the activities of 'soldiers of fortune.' In the Global North, where the headquarters of most PMSCs are located, mercenaries typically operate beyond national borders, engaging primarily in conflict zones such as Afghanistan, Iraq, and Syria. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. 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Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Next Stay Close ✕ This external focus allows civil society actors in countries like the United States, the United Kingdom, or France to exercise greater freedoms in assessing and responding to the use of PMSCs. By contrast, in the Global South, particularly in African states of the Sahel, mercenaries have become deeply embedded in national peace and security frameworks, creating perilous conditions that severely limit the ability of civil society to speak out, report on, or meaningfully engage with the activities of these foreign fighters on their soil. In countries like Mali and Burkina Faso, private military groups, most notably the Wagner Group (being replaced by African Corps), have become a cornerstone of military regimes, aiding in consolidating power while playing key roles in counterterrorism operations. Al Jazeera reported in March that between 1,000 and 1,500 Wagner fighters were active in Mali. What explains the resurgence of mercenaries in Africa? Among several factors, the meeting identifies Africa's weak national institutions, coupled with the externalisation of its security, which have left the continent vulnerable to foreign exploitation, particularly by powers in North America and the Gulf. Intense competition over critical minerals, a weakened UN regulatory system, the spread of terrorism, the rise of local militias and a resurgence of military rule and democratic autocracy further deepen instability, acting as some of the pull factors for the operation of PMSCs in Africa. Though there is legitimate opposition to the presence of foreign fighters on African soil, it is equally important to reflect on the profound fragility of these states and their limited capacity to secure their territories and protect their populations. The recent attack on a Niger army base near the Malian border, where over 200 gunmen killed at least 34 soldiers (as reported by the BBC last week), reinforces these security gaps. In Barsalogho, Burkina Faso, al-Qaeda-linked militants killed hundreds of people in an attack in August last year, with the French government reporting 600 deaths, while the UN estimates placed the toll at around 300. In these fragile contexts, foreign fighters have gained notoriety for grave human rights violations, surpassing even the abuses perpetrated by national armies. Civilians in Mali and elsewhere alarmingly fear Russian mercenaries more than terrorist groups themselves. Between May and December last year alone, the Malian army and Russian forces were reported to have deliberately killed at least 32 civilians (including 7 in a drone strike), forcibly disappeared four others, and burned over 100 homes during military operations across central and northern Mali. Africa can no longer afford to witness the steady loss of its vibrant population to preventable deaths. The continent must not stand by as foreign fighters tighten their grip on Africa's security architecture. It is both ironic and regrettable that the continent depends on foreign funding for its peace operations; it must not compound this by relying on foreign mercenaries to safeguard the government of its member states and protect its civilian population. The AU should engage with the UN Working Group and interact more with other think tanks and civil society actors involved in advancing the regulation of the activities of PMSCs in Africa and beyond. The continental institution must enhance the capacity of civil society actors and establish secure channels that allow them, along with the broader civilian population, to anonymously report mercenary activities. Their voices must be meaningfully incorporated into the review process of the OAU/AU 1977 Protocol on Mercenaries. Beyond the pressing need to review the Protocol on Mercenaries, the AU and African stakeholders must demonstrate greater commitment to advancing continental peace and security. The African peace and security architecture must be revived to respond to current realities. The AU Peace Fund should be deployed meaningfully to support genuine peace initiatives across Africa. While counterterrorism efforts often prioritise hard power, many armed insurrections and insurgencies are rooted in deeper issues of governance, justice, and survival. The onus lies with Africa's political elites at national, regional, and continental levels to craft visionary policies that address the 'war of the belly', ensure inclusive governance, and implement pragmatic security strategies that secure lasting peace. Mercenaries may provide temporary security solutions, but they are ill-suited to deliver the long-term stability African societies urgently require. Akinola is an Associate Professor in the Department of Politics and International Relations at the University of Johannesburg, South Africa.
