logo
France projects Indo-Pacific power ambition in Singapore with carrier strike group

France projects Indo-Pacific power ambition in Singapore with carrier strike group

A visit by the French navy's carrier strike group to Changi Naval Base in
Singapore signals the aim of Paris to project itself as an Indo-Pacific power as China's military activities loom over the region, according to observers.
Advertisement
As part of its five-month mission that will conclude in April, the flotilla, which includes the 261-metre nuclear-powered Charles de Gaulle aircraft carrier, a multi-mission destroyer, an air defence destroyer and a force replenishment ship, has called in countries including the Philippines, Indonesia and Malaysia.
Defence analysts told This Week in Asia that the French, who have overseas territories in the Indo-Pacific, have been displaying greater interest in the region in recent years owing to China's assertiveness in the waterways.
Abdul Rahman Yaacob, a research fellow at the Lowy Institute's Southeast Asia programme, said: 'The elephant in the room is China. China's naval modernisation and expansion, along with its behaviour, threaten the Indo-Pacific waterways, and freedom of air and maritime traffic.'
China has been ramping up drills in the Pacific, with reports of simultaneous exercises last month across multiple locations, including the Gulf of Tonkin, Taiwan's southwest coast, and international waters near Australia and New Zealand.
Advertisement
Beijing sees Taiwan as part of China to be reunited by force if necessary. Most countries, including the US, do not recognise Taiwan as an independent state, but Washington is opposed to any attempt to take the self-governed island by force and is committed to supplying it with weapons.
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

‘Father of Shue Yan' dedicated his life to benevolent education in Hong Kong
‘Father of Shue Yan' dedicated his life to benevolent education in Hong Kong

South China Morning Post

time8 hours ago

  • South China Morning Post

‘Father of Shue Yan' dedicated his life to benevolent education in Hong Kong

The Chinese saying that it takes 10 years to grow a tree but 100 years to nurture a talent encapsulates the dedication required in education. This noble mission was behind Henry Hu Hung-lick forking out his savings to establish Shue Yan College, Hong Kong's first private higher education institution, more than half a century ago, with a name that resonates with that spirit – cultivating virtues of benevolence. The revered educator, who died at the age of 105 this week, will be remembered for his lifelong endeavour in transforming generations of students and reshaping the city's education landscape. Hu and his late wife, Dr Chung Chi-yung, broke new ground with Shue Yan College in the 1970s, when the city was not known for private universities or a culture of philanthropic support for centres of learning. With publicly funded degree places still confined to the crème de la crème in those days, the couple's admirable but lofty goal of liberalising higher education might have raised some eyebrows. But their pioneering venture and selfless contribution have offered life-changing opportunities for countless students over the decades. Among the prominent Shue Yan alumni is Chief Secretary Eric Chan Kwok-ki. Hu is a role model for learning. The Zhejiang-born graduate of the National University of Political Science also spoke Russian and French. He served as a diplomat in Tashkent in present-day Uzbekistan, studied law and international politics in France and took the Bar exams in Britain in 1954. A member of the Legislative Council and the now-defunct Urban Council, Hu was also known for his work as the defence counsel in a high-profile murder case in 1975. He was an example of not giving up easily. His commitment to providing four-year courses, with an emphasis on Chinese culture and the liberal arts, instead of the usual three-year course, was an obstacle to obtaining government funding. While Shue Yan gained recognition as a private post-secondary institution in 1976, it was not until 2006 that it became Hong Kong's first private university. Hu was awarded the highest honour of the Grand Bauhinia Medal in 2008 for his lifelong contributions to society; his wife received the Gold Bauhinia Star in 2000. Chief Executive John Lee Ka-chiu praised Hu for devoting 'substantial financial resources and personal effort to the development of Hong Kong's post-secondary education, nurturing generations of virtuous talent for Hong Kong'.

Modi's visit, Indian aid pledge reshape Maldives ties as China wavers
Modi's visit, Indian aid pledge reshape Maldives ties as China wavers

South China Morning Post

time19 hours ago

  • South China Morning Post

Modi's visit, Indian aid pledge reshape Maldives ties as China wavers

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi 's recent visit to the Maldives is being viewed as a symbolic yet strategic reset in bilateral ties, signalling New Delhi's renewed engagement with its island neighbour amid waning Chinese investment and mounting economic distress in Male. Modi's two-day trip, which coincided with the Maldives' 60th Independence Day celebrations, marked his first visit since President Mohamed Muizzu took office in late 2023 following an election campaign built on a combative 'India Out' platform. Aditya Gowdara Shivamurthy, an associate fellow at the Delhi-based Observer Research Foundation's strategic studies programme, said Modi's visit was successful for two key reasons – to show that Indian influence remained unchallenged in the Maldives, and to aid the local government amid the country's economic struggles. The pledge of assistance underscored India 's willingness, commitment and interest to support the Maldives when others were hesitating, Shivamurthy told This Week in Asia. India's Prime Minister Narendra Modi (centre) plants a tree sapling during his state visit in Male on July 25 as the Maldives' President Mohamed Muizzu looks on. Photo: AFP During the visit, Modi announced a US$565 million credit line and launched free-trade talks with the Maldives. India also announced a reduction in repayments of an earlier credit line from US$51 million to US$29 million annually. 'Whatever the weather may be … our friendship will always remain bright and clear. India will continue to support the development of the Maldives' defence capabilities,' Modi said during a joint press conference, while Muizzu reflected on the successes of the shared developmental journey between the two countries.

Xi's charm offensive cuts both ways in the Global South
Xi's charm offensive cuts both ways in the Global South

AllAfrica

time21 hours ago

  • AllAfrica

Xi's charm offensive cuts both ways in the Global South

Chinese President Xi Jinping is on an economic charm offensive across the Global South's emerging markets. As tensions with the West escalate and economic headwinds gather at home, China's president has turned to emerging markets with promises of investment, infrastructure and deeper trade ties. From Southeast Asia to the Gulf, Chinese officials have been busy striking deals and hosting summits, pitching Beijing as a stable, pragmatic alternative to a more unpredictable United States. A notable example of this offensive is Chinese Premier Li Qiang's attendance at the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC)–ASEAN summit in May 2025, which aimed to 'offer vast opportunities to synergize our markets, deepen innovation, and promote cross-regional investment.' Notably, Beijing opted to attend the summit instead of the Asia-Pacific-focused Shangri-La Dialogue, where the US and its allies regularly criticize China over its security practices. This development underscores Beijing's policy preference shifting away from fighting the rhetoric about its territorial disputes to crafting a narrative about China as an alternative economic partner amid global disapproval of Washington's trade policies. Washington's ongoing tariff war has dented China's economic confidence, with metrics such as retail sales and fixed-asset investment both slightly underperforming in April 2025, according to Dutch bank ING. Amid this uncertainty, Xi's diplomatic appeals appear to be garnering a warm reception amongst emerging economies. A study by Australia's Griffith University and the Green Finance & Development Center in Beijing found that Chinese construction contracts and investments in Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) countries totalled US$124 billion in the first half of 2025, up slightly from $122 billion the previous year. The BRI is a program through which Beijing and Chinese firms fund or build infrastructure across the world. This new BRI activity will likely contribute to China's macroeconomic strength by helping improve its real GDP growth. For example, the initiative has shifted from sovereign lending to foreign direct investment (FDI), which may help ease concerns about China's mounting sovereign debt exposure. However, behind the diplomatic fanfare lies a more fragile reality. China's sluggish internal growth continues to weigh heavily on Beijing and will likely curtail any lasting benefits from Xi's charm offensive. Indeed, the BRI expansion was largely prompted by 'slow domestic growth and the need to diversify supply chains and markets due to the trade war sparked by Trump's tariffs.' However, China's cooling economy, rampant overcapacity concerns and faltering demand amongst domestic consumers paint a bleak picture for potential Chinese trading partners. According to 2025 second-quarter data released by Beijing, the country's real economic growth remained steady at 5.2% year-over-year (YoY). However, nominal growth, which reflects what companies actually receive in revenue and workers in wages, was significantly weaker at 3.9% YoY. This gap highlights a broader and persistent trend: the decline of China's middle class. China's middle class has historically served as both the driving force behind and primary beneficiary of the country's economic growth. But now, 40% of that group has seen their wealth decline in recent years, particularly among the younger generations. The traditional markers of a secure middle-class life, a stable job in the public sector or in industries like tech and finance, home ownership and upward mobility, are in decline. The free fall of China's property market has been especially damaging, given that most middle-class wealth is tied up in real estate. Coupled with the country's harsh 996 work culture, many young Chinese are now questioning the socio-economic values that once propelled China to global prominence. This generational shift has produced a 'tang ping' or 'lying flat' mentality. This mentality shift is marked by a retreat from conspicuous consumption and a preference for domestic over imported goods. This shift in consumer habits poses a challenge for Xi's efforts to deepen trade with emerging economies. On one hand, Chinese firms benefit from new markets to sell goods and services. On the other, China's shifting domestic market no longer offers its partners reciprocal opportunities. The one-sided nature of this emerging economic model may give countries like those in ASEAN pause. This will be particularly true as these emerging markets come under increased scrutiny from the US and EU for their deepening integration into Chinese supply chains. As a result, emerging economies are likely to remain cautious about further integration with China unless there are clear signs of an improving domestic outlook. Yet such signs are increasingly difficult to detect as Beijing continues to obscure information about its socio-economic health. Analyses of China's National Bureau of Statistics have discovered that the agency has ceased publishing several key indicators, including unemployment and land sales data. This deliberate suppression of information comes amid rising speculation that Beijing has overstated its actual economic performance. This question about China's socio-economic health was raised in December 2024 when Gao Shanwen, chief economist at state-owned State Development and Investment Corporation (SDIC) Securities, publicly stated that real economic growth in China 'might [have been] around 2%' in recent years. Gao's remarks – which contradicted China's official narrative – led to his being 'disciplined' by Xi and banned from making further public comments. The episode highlights two critical concerns for emerging markets considering deeper ties with China. First, while China remains the world's second-largest economy, the health of its domestic market is potentially far less robust than Beijing portrays. That makes China a less attractive long-term investment opportunity, particularly as Chinese consumers increasingly favour domestically made products over foreign imports. Second, the Gao incident underscores a broader trend: Beijing's readiness to suppress dissent. More worryingly for foreign businesses, this supression may not just be targeted at domestic citizens but potentially foreign investors as well. Historically, the aforementioned repression targeted Chinese nationals and local businesses. But recent signs suggest that foreign executives are no longer immune. In one recent high-profile case, a Japanese pharmaceutical executive was sentenced to three and a half years in prison on espionage charges. This executive spent more than two decades in China and was active in the Japanese Chamber of Commerce in China. Other Japanese citizens have been held on espionage charges prior to this incident. However, the timing of the arrest, amid US-spurred efforts for Tokyo to economically decouple from Beijing and China's own military provocations, raises alarms. It suggests that as geopolitical pressure mounts, China may increasingly use its opaque legal system as a tool of coercion to ensure new and old trading partners do not drift from China's sphere of influence. This presents a broader risk if, for example, Trump intensifies efforts to push emerging economies seen as enabling the sale of cheap Chinese goods into the US, like Vietnam, to distance themselves from Beijing. Trump could use his tariff diplomacy style to force these emerging economies to make economic choices that are not necessarily in their own interests. In turn, China may respond by targeting foreign businesspeople in retaliation, using its opaque legal system to reinforce political-economic loyalty and prevent strategic drift. Against this increasingly tense backdrop, Xi's charm offensive may generate photo ops and pledges of cooperation. But it does little to address the deeper weaknesses at the heart of China's economic and political system. A shrinking middle class and an increasingly politicized business environment all point to a system under strain. The trade and investment opportunities Beijing offers may look appealing on the surface, but they come with conditions and risks that emerging economies would be wise to scrutinize carefully. Unless China undertakes serious domestic reform and opens its economy in good faith, those enticed by its charm offensive may find themselves entangled in unequal and unstable partnerships with more to lose than to gain. Hans Horan is a strategic analyst at the Hague Centre for Strategic Studies (HCSS) think tank, specializing in the Indo-Pacific, cyber threat intelligence, and security and defense affairs. He previously worked for over seven years in the intelligence and security industry for both private and public sector organizations across the globe, where he served as their lead cyber intelligence and principal Asia-Pacific analyst.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store