EU's von der Leyen hopes to ‘advance and rebalance' China ties at summit
Von der Leyen and European Council President Antonio Costa will raise thorny issues such as the trade imbalance, rare earths and Ukraine during meetings with Chinese President Xi Jinping and Premier Li Qiang.
'I'm convinced there can be a mutually beneficial cooperation,' von der Leyen wrote in an X post on Thursday, striking a more conciliatory tone after the weeks leading up to the summit were dominated by tit-for-tat trade disputes and hawkish rhetoric from European officials.
State news agency Xinhua also appeared to downplay Beijing's rivalry with the 27-member bloc in a morning commentary, saying China is a 'critical partner' to Europe with a range of shared interests.
'As the international landscape grows increasingly fraught, the anniversary offers a timely reminder: China is a critical partner to Europe, not a systemic rival,' Xinhua wrote, pointing out common interests including trade, climate, and global governance.
'These areas of common ground should not be eclipsed by isolated points of friction,' it said.
The EU defines China as a 'partner, competitor and systemic rival', which frames its strategic approach to China policy.
Other issues, including electric vehicles, market access and Chinese industrial overcapacity, will also be raised by European leaders at the summit marking the 50th anniversary of diplomatic relations between the EU and China.
Expectations for the summit are low after weeks of escalating tensions and wrangling over the format of the summit, which was abruptly shortened from two days to one at Beijing's request.
Trump may travel to China to meet Xi in 'not-too-distant future'
'Like all major economic players, China and the EU do not agree on everything. But disagreement does not equal confrontation,' Xinhua said, adding that the relationship needs more trust.
The EU is likely to seal a trade deal with the United States that would result in a broad 15% tariff on EU exports to the U.S. after intense negotiations, avoiding a harsher 30% levy threatened by U.S. President Donald Trump.
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It's based on geopolitics because they want an issue to beat China with. Sometimes it's Tibet, sometimes it's Xinjiang, sometimes it's Hong Kong, sometimes it's the environment, sometimes it's the South China Sea, sometimes it's the so-called debt trap for the BRI,' says Senator Mushahid. 'So, something or the other they have to find some nitpicking and faults with China because they see China as a geopolitical rival and as an adversary,' he adds. 'China unfortunately has been a victim of this propaganda and those who have killed millions of Muslims have the cheek and audacity to call out China on human rights of Muslims in China.' Mushahid claims there has been no attack on Uyghur culture or identity or demography, saying that the community enjoys cultural freedom, the highest population growth rate, and relatively better living standards, especially compared to Muslims in neighbouring countries, as Xinjiang borders eight countries, including five Muslim nations. SM Hali, who has authored several books on China, says the criticism of Xinjiang policy might have some substance, but many claims — like the mass illegal detentions, forced labour, cultural repression, and forced assimilation — are far from facts. Taking a potshot at Western media, he accused them of recycling Holocaust imagery to portray Chinese 're-education' centres which were set up to rehabilitate Uyghur people vulnerable to extremism through education and vocational training. Hali argues that Western nations impose a universalist framework, sidelining cultures and identities that fall outside their normative value system. 'Western framing often emphasises individual rights and liberal democratic norms which clash with China's state-centric model of governance,' he says. 'China has developed its own system of democracy, a system which is suited to its people, which may be different from the Westminster-style of democracy, which may be different from the US democratic norms, or the French, but if it works for China, who are we to contest that?' Xinjiang holds a strategic importance in China's broader geopolitical playbook. The region not only holds the country's deepest oil and gas reserves, but also sits at the gateway to Central Asia besides serving as a conduit for pipelines and fiber-optic links from Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and beyond. And to top it all, Xinjiang is central to China's western integration policy and its global connectivity under BRI. Can the Xinjiang model be applied to Balochistan? Xinjiang's dramatic transformation has caught the attention of some Pakistani analysts who argue that the 'Root Cause' model could possibly hold the remedy for the challenges facing Balochistan. They think Balochistan today mirrors the conditions Xinjiang faced prior to its overhaul -- a vast, resource-rich, and strategically important region held back by chronic underdevelopment, widespread alienation, bad governance, simmering discontent, separatist violence, and religious extremism. Pakistan, many of these experts believe, can adapt three strategic lessons from Xinjiang to catalyse peace and development in Balochistan. First, launch a youth-focused vocational renaissance by establishing community-led modern training institutes in key cities, offering market-relevant skills in mining, digital services, and agriculture. Second, make locals stakeholders in resource development by mandating local hiring, profit-sharing, and forming community oversight boards. Pair Baloch districts with others like Punjab for investment and mentorship. Third, reframe the national narrative by celebrating Baloch culture through media, education, and tourism. Promote inclusion, not suppression, to build dignity and identity. While Xinjiang trained over a million people and halved poverty, Balochistan suffers high unemployment and low GDP despite its resources. 'The lesson from Xinjiang isn't about control, it's about strategic inclusion. And Pakistan must shift from reactive security to proactive empowerment to turn Balochistan into a model of federal harmony and economic vitality,' says Hali. Hali contends that the development-first approach undeniably reshaped the region — and that Pakistan can draw on this model to craft a locally adapted, rights-respecting strategy for Balochistan. 'First of all, industrialization is a stabilizing force. We have to establish SCZs in Gwadar, in Hub, in Khuzdar with tax incentives. We have to provide land grants and simplified regulations to attract investment. Then there should be resource based industries; develop value-added industries around copper in Reko Diq, gold, fisheries and marble to retain the wealth locally.' When asked about the insurgency that threatens development and inclusion efforts, Hali contends that the development-first approach undeniably reshaped the region — and that Pakistan can draw on this model to craft a locally adapted, rights-respecting strategy for Balochistan. But he cautions that development alone cannot address the province's deeper sense of exclusion. 'Let me say it is no longer a question of poverty, but of perceived exclusion from decision-making, resource benefits, and national narratives. And economic inclusion, when applied, must not be invisible. Participate, participatory, and dignified — that means transparent governance.' Hali emphasised the need to involve tribal elders, youth leaders, and civil society in planning and oversight, adding that cultural respect must be upheld. 'We must celebrate Baloch identity through media, education, and tourism — not suppress it. And security must be built on trust. We must replace heavy-handed tactics with community policing and reconciliation efforts.' Senator Mushahid echoed similar concerns, particularly around accountability and justice. 'If I were asked to advise the government of Pakistan on the three things needed to resolve the issue in Balochistan, number one would be to remove this blot — this bleeding wound — of missing persons. I think this is a stain on the fair name of Pakistan. Our country is a product of democracy, the rule of law.' Pakistan, the senator reiterated, has much to learn from China in addressing unrest and promoting stability and harmony. Providing context, he traced the roots of the Baloch insurgency back to the government of former Prime Minister Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, who, he said, dismissed Balochistan's first democratically elected government — an act that, in his view, triggered the insurgency. He credited General Zia ul Haq's period for being peaceful as the former military ruler offered respect to leaders from Balochistan. 'Pakistan's approach has to change,' he said. 'We need an effective counterterrorism strategy to confront the foreign-sponsored proxies and terrorists killing innocent people in Balochistan. Yes, there must be a kinetic component — but equally important are education, political engagement, and a softer touch.' He did not spare Balochistan's own elite either. 'They've been beneficiaries of the federal system, the 1973 Constitution, and the 18th Amendment, which has given the province significant financial autonomy. Yet they've done damn all for the people of Balochistan.' Reverting to a comparison between Xinjiang's trajectory and Beijing's approach with Islamabad's strategy in Balochistan, Mushahid credited Chinese policy for its strategic clarity and consistency — qualities he said have been lacking in Pakistan. 'That's why there's been a flip-flop approach, and the problem remains unresolved,' he concluded. From the looks of it, officials in Pakistan have increasingly emphasized the need for economic inclusion in Balochistan under CPEC, viewing it as a peace-building exercise, not just an infrastructure project. Xinjiang's journey from epicenter of terrorism to a burgeoning economic hub is neither complete nor uncontested. But the trajectory is undeniable. Trade, industry, infrastructure, and energy have returned life to cities once left behind by history. Whether or not the Root Cause model becomes a global template remains to be seen. But in the deserts of western China, a new Silk Road is being paved—not with camel caravans, but with economic integration, digital connectivity, and an unapologetically developmentalist vision of peace.
