
Taiwan ex-President Ma attends forum in China
Former Taiwan President Ma Ying-jeou has attended a forum in China to expand cross-strait exchanges.
China held the annual Straits Forum in Xiamen, Fujian Province, on Sunday. Xiamen is located west of Taiwan.
China's state-run media and other outlets reported that more than 7,000 people were invited from Taiwan, along with Ma, who belongs to Taiwan's largest opposition Kuomintang party.
Wang Huning, a member of the Chinese Communist Party's Politburo Standing Committee and the party's No.4 official, called for firmly opposing Taiwan's independence and external interference and protecting the peace and stability of the Taiwan Strait.
This comment apparently referred to Taiwan's ruling Democratic Progressive Party, which Beijing regards as pro-independence.
Ma said deepening cooperation under a common foundation against Taiwan's independence will help create a phase of peace and mutual benefit.
Beijing apparently wants to give a warning to Taiwan's ruling party under President Lai Ching-te by stressing interactions through Ma.
Taiwanese authorities said the forum is a united front platform by the Chinese Communist Party targeting Taiwan.
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Japan Times
2 hours ago
- Japan Times
U.S. Army capable of countering China's plans to keep it at bay, top general says
The U.S. Army aims to play a pivotal role in deterring China and keeping its forces at bay in the event of a conflict by bringing in increased firepower, cutting-edge tech and boosting interoperability with Indo-Pacific allies and partners, according to the service's regional deputy commander. 'The army can now hold planes and ships at risk in places that potential adversaries didn't account for,' Lt. Gen. Joel Vowell, the U.S. Army Pacific's (USARPAC) deputy commanding general, told The Japan Times in a recent interview when asked about the service's role in a regional conflict — including a possible Chinese attack on Taiwan. For nearly two decades, China's People's Liberation Army (PLA) has been systematically planning, training and building the forces it believes are required to invade self-ruled Taiwan, which Beijing views as a breakaway province. China has been increasing the PLA's budget to modernize and expand its cyber, missile, aerial, naval and amphibious assault capabilities in recent years. All of these would play key roles in not only attacking Taiwan but also in trying to keep the U.S. and allied forces at bay, a concept known in military parlance as 'anti-access/area denial,' or A2/AD. But Vowell said the U.S. is looking to exploit a weak point in Beijing's strategy. 'An A2/AD network is built to deter and defeat ships, planes and platforms, but it does not account for distributed land forces in the region,' he said. This, he added, is the type of threat the U.S. Army, as well as the land forces of partners and allies, will pose to any adversary force. 'We will have a deterrent effect that's hard to detect, hard to track, hard to find and that's getting increasingly harder to kill.' Crucial to success, Vowell noted, will be the ability to deploy cutting-edge weapons across all domains in a way that's dispersed, easily camouflaged and that allows U.S. forces to be on the move, so that they cannot be targeted at any one time and place. 'Gaining positional advantage matters,' he said. Lt. Gen. Joel Vowell, deputy commanding general of the U.S. Army Pacific, is seen during the Salaknib 2025 exercises at Fort Magsaysay in the Philippines in April. | U.S. ARMY 'If Army soldiers have these capabilities forward or in closer proximity to any potential adversary, then we can hold them at risk in their command and control, in their fires, their air defense, sustainment, movements and platforms in ways that they had not accounted for,' Vowell added. To achieve this, and to maintain a robust logistics network, Washington's regional alliances will remain crucial, the deputy commander said, adding that many of the U.S. equipment deployments have come at the request of allies and partners. 'When we develop capabilities to help solve problems for and with our partners, we usually get an invitation to try to train, test and innovate some of this stuff, be it South Korea, Japan, Philippines, Australia and other places,' he noted. This includes mid-and long-range missile systems, including for air defense. 'If we are asked by a (partner or allied) country ... to practice our long-range fires architecture, then sure we'll work to bring those in,' Vowell said. 'That's what we did with the Philippines,' he added. 'It was so good they asked us to stay around a bit and do more training with their missile and artillery battery personnel and some others.' If Japan and South Korea were to make similar requests, 'we would definitely consider that,' he said. Some of these deployments have already made international headlines, particularly as the Pentagon appears to be using exercises to de facto deploy key weapons to the Indo-Pacific amid growing tensions with China. This includes last year's dispatch of the Typhon Mid-Range Capability missile system to the Philippines for training exercises. The weapon, which can fire both Tomahawk long-range cruise missiles and SM-6 air defense missiles, has remained in the country since, prompting repeated demands by Beijing that it be removed. Lt. Gen. Joel Vowell, deputy commanding general for U.S. Army Pacific, speaks to guests and multinational partners during an event near Fort Greely, Alaska, in January. | U.S. ARMY The Pentagon has also kept the U.S. Navy-Marine Expeditionary Ship Interdiction System (NMESIS), an advanced mobile anti-ship missile platform, in the country following joint drills this year. At the same time, the army has been resorting to disruptive and emerging technologies to gain an asymmetric advantage in the region. For instance, it is experimenting with artificial intelligence as a force multiplier by using tools that can enhance decision-making, optimize joint force operations and enable autonomous operations, provided there is always a human in the loop when it comes to offensive power. The army has also tested microwave-based directed energy weapon systems designed to counter drone swarms while fielding units that can 3D-print equipment parts as well as entire weapons such as drones directly on site. These and other systems have all been deployed and tested in the region by elements of the U.S. Army's new Multi-Domain Task Forces (MDTFs). The service has been setting up MDTFs that can operate across all warfighting domains — land, air, sea, space and cyberspace. Three such formations have already been established in strategically significant locations worldwide, with the army planning two more over the next two to three years. For several years now some MDTF elements have been invited to Japan to work with the Ground Self-Defense Force on testing, and in some cases experimenting, with capabilities the latter may not yet field. Plans about whether to station an MDTF in Japan have also long been rumored. Vowell, who headed U.S. Army Japan from 2021 to 2023, said that while such ideas are currently under consideration, Tokyo has yet to grant approval. 'It's definitely up to the government of Japan if they want to host the stationing of a Multi-Domain Task Force,' he said. 'If we have long-range missiles that are inside the potential A2/AD bubble of Russia, North Korea or China, they would be there to help defend Japan,' he said. The aim, however, is not to move a lot of the U.S. Army forward, Vowell said. 'This isn't 1968 when we had ... about four times as many soldiers in Korea and Japan as we do today. We are not looking to do that.' 'What we need is to have presence, and we need to have access and influence with our partners and allies to help them defend their sovereignty,' he said, adding that the goal is to have 'stronger and more resilient partnerships.'


The Mainichi
2 days ago
- The Mainichi
Taiwan's Lai, ex-Japan minister agree to ensure economic security
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The Mainichi
3 days ago
- The Mainichi
Global perspective: Democracy, welfare are among Taiwan's fortes
By Ryosei Kokubun, Chairman of the Asian Affairs Research Council Will there be a "Taiwan contingency?" What will happen to U.S.-China relations? And how about the relationship between China and Taiwan, which Beijing considers as a renegade province? These are questions to which no one has the right answer, but people are making a fuss over them anyway. I decided to leave the global hustle and bustle and went on a five-day solo trip to Taiwan in mid-May. I have visited Taiwan countless times over the past 30 years or so, but this time I paid respects to the grave of my mentor in Taiwan, Peng Run-tzu, who passed away two years ago. He invested his personal business fortune and his time and energy into the future of Taiwan and Japan-Taiwan relations. Since my schedule was not too tight, I warmed up old friendships with old friends and former international students. Thanks to the kindness of my friends, I was able to not only greet but also discuss issues with current and past government top leaders. Stability and women's empowerment My impression of the trip was that society seemed to be more stable than before. The disparity in societal and economic status between original Taiwan residents and newcomers from mainland China after World War II seemed to be fading due to generational successions. In the past, when people in Taiwan met for the first time, they would immediately began speculating about their origins judging from their accents and atmosphere. Now Taiwan is one of the world's leading players in terms of women's social participation, and is eager to provide educational and employment incentives to indigenous peoples and to preserve their cultures. Economic policy debates on prices and wages are endless, but Taiwan's GDP per capita has exceeded that of Japan. Second, the two-party system of the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) and the Kuomintang (KMT) has taken hold. There is a big difference in their stances on China, and in terms of policy, the DPP is progressive and the KMT is conservative. Politics is the same now as it was in the past, and there are constant struggles and scandals between and within parties. The DPP has long had fierce factional strife within the party, and the relationship between President Lai Ching-te and former President Tsai Ing-wen, who are in different factions, is complicated. President Lai's approval rating is declining. The KMT has overcome the crisis of dissolution and the younger generation has emerged, but regional bosses still have a stronger say, and former President Ma Ying-jeou is disrupting the party. Third, while trust in Japan is overwhelmingly high, trust in the United States is surprisingly low. According to the latest survey by the Japan-Taiwan Exchange Association, 76 percent said they liked Japan the most, while only 3 percent like the U.S. and China. The low favorability of the U.S. is a phenomenon that predates the administration of U.S. President Donald Trump, and many people doubt whether Washington will really help in cross-strait contingencies. The second-term Trump administration's tariff policy toward Taiwan has been strict, and consideration for Taipei's national security needs has remained lacking. When it comes to discussions about the future of Taiwan, I am concerned that many people are only looking at international perspectives such as U.S.-China and cross-strait relations. Here, I would like to share my opinion based on my observations inside Taiwan. I felt during my latest trip that Taiwan will become a welfare society of the highest level in Asia in the future if the well-established democracy remains as it is. Taiwan recently managed to shut down all nuclear power reactors. Everyone says that this was triggered by the Great East Japan Earthquake in Japan. But that's only half the truth. When I spoke with a figure involved in the drafting of the founding party platform of the DPP, which was established in 1986 at the same time as Taiwan's democratization, he said that the party's anti-nuclear policy had its origins in the Chernobyl accident in April of the same year. According to this figure, the DPP was originally modeled on European politics, focusing primarily on social democracies such as the Nordic countries. As mentioned above, social participation of women in Taiwan is among the best in the world and it is by far the most advanced in Asia. With the introduction of the quota system, more than 40% of the members of the national legislature are women. Same-sex marriage has also become legal, and the acceptance of foreign workers has been institutionalized as a measure against the declining birthrate. As mentioned above, the protection of indigenous peoples is also generous. During her presidency, Tsai Ing-wen publicly apologized for the mistreatment of indigenous peoples in the past. Utilities such as electricity, water, and transportation are also relatively cheap. Taiwan's consumption tax is 5 percent. The pensions of civil servants are being reformed, but the amount remains at nearly 70 percent of salaries before retirement. Fiscal discipline is solid. The fiscal balance is stable due to economic growth, and the outstanding debt is around 25% of GDP, which is one of the lowest in the world. It is a never-ending dream in Japan, which suffers one of the world's highest debt-GDP ratio. Welfare system supporting national security Certain historic backgrounds have contributed to the development of Scandinavian countries as welfare societies, but it was also the threat of the neighboring Soviet Union that drove them into that direction after the war. They needed to stabilize their countries, and welfare systems helped them achieve that. Former Taiwan President Lee Teng-hui said, "Taiwan's greatest security is to establish democracy." This is because it is judged that it will be easy to gain the understanding of the United States and other countries that would support Taipei. For Taiwan, which has already established democracy, transforming itself into a welfare state may strengthen internal unity and provide strong security along with strengthening military capabilities for deterrence. At Taiwan's Ministry of Foreign Affairs, I asked officials there the following question: Isn't it an advantage for Taiwan to be a non-state in the current international system? In 2010, there were 23 countries that recognized Taiwan, but now the number stands at mere 12. Taiwan is not a member of the World Health Organization, and although there is a pavilion at the Osaka-Kansai Expo, the facility is not allowed to use "Taiwan" in its name. The arrangement was made either because of China's opposition or out of concern for China. Increased global awareness toward Taiwan However, Taiwanese people can now travel to around 140 countries and regions around the world without a visa with a "Republic of China" passport. Even under pressure from China, the world's recognition of Taiwan is actually increasing. In addition, in a globalized economy, Taiwanese businesses are very active, as in the case of Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Co. Ltd. The United States under the Trump administration is single-mindedly engaged in a tariff struggle stemming from unilateralism. China is strengthening its political control while calling for "free competition" in opposition to the United States. Russia is eager to fight a war. Everywhere in the world, there are desperate attempts to build national walls. In this inward-looking international order, non-state status seems to be working in Taiwan's favor. The staff of Taiwan's Ministry of Foreign Affairs listened to my paradox with wide eyes. Taiwanese people show smiles on their face and feel fed up in their hearts when they hear naive thinking that tends to be common among the Japanese, such as the self-proclaimed "pro-Taiwan" posture for the promotion of "anti-China" arguments, or the belief that Taiwanese people are pro-Japan because of the success of Japan's colonial rule. Japan has much to learn from Taiwan.