
Shifting to Asia, Rubio meets Quad and talks minerals
By Shaun TANDON
U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio met Tuesday with counterparts from Australia, India and Japan, shifting focus to Asia after a tenure so far marked by crises elsewhere and domestic priorities.
Rubio had welcomed the foreign ministers of the so-called Quad on January 21 in his first meeting after President Donald Trump's inauguration, seen as a sign that the new administration would prioritize engagement with like-minded countries to counter China.
Since then, much of Rubio's attention has been on the Middle East, with the United States bombing Iranian nuclear sites in support of Israel; on Ukraine, as Trump unsuccessfully seeks a ceasefire in Russia's invasion, and on boosting Trump's domestic priorities such as mass deportations of migrants.
Welcoming the three foreign ministers, Rubio did not directly mention military concerns over China but said he sought cooperation among business and on raw materials -- also key goals for the Trump administration.
Rubio told them he was focused on "diversifying the global supply chain of critical minerals -- not just access to the raw material, but also access to the ability to process and refine it to usable materials."
"It's critical for all technologies and for all industries across the board," Rubio said, voicing hope for "real progress" on the issue within the Quad.
China holds major reserves of several key minerals including the vast majority of the world's graphite, which is crucial for electric vehicles.
Beijing has sought to impose restrictions as leverage, as the United States in turn curbs its access to semiconductors and as Trump wields the threat of punishing tariffs on both friends and foes.
Trump is expected to travel to India later this year for a summit of the Quad.
The four-way partnership was first conceived by late Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, who saw an alliance of democracies around China -- which has repeatedly alleged that the Quad is a way to contain it.
Trump has long branded China as the top U.S. adversary, but since returning to office has also saluted his relationship with Chinese President Xi Jinping.
Both the Indian and Japanese foreign ministers said that they wanted the Quad to focus on a "free and open Indo-Pacific" -- a phrasing that is a veiled allusion to opposing Chinese dominance in Asia.
"We're all committed to ensure a free and open Indo-Pacific," Indian Foreign Minister Subrahmanyam Jaishankar said.
"It is essential that nations of the Indo-Pacific have the freedom of choice, so essential to make right decisions on development and security," he said.
Jaishankar also made clear that India would raise its strikes last month against Pakistan in response to a major attack on mostly Hindu civilians in Indian-administered Kashmir.
"India has every right to defend its people against terrorism, and we will exercise that right. We expect our Quad partners to understand and appreciate that," he said.
Despite shared concerns on China, the Quad members have differed on other hotspots. India has maintained a historic relationship with Russia despite the invasion of Ukraine.
Both India and Japan also have historically warm relationships with Iran, whose nuclear sites the United States bombed in June in support of an Israeli campaign.
© 2025 AFP
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


The Diplomat
an hour ago
- The Diplomat
Will China Become Iran's Major Defense Partner?
As Iran navigates the aftermath of its 12-day conflict with Israel, the Islamic Republic finds itself grappling with two imperatives: the need to overhaul its shattered air defense system and intelligence apparatus, and the equally pressing challenge of renewing its social contract with a war-weary and deeply anxious population. This recalibration inevitably raises a number of questions as Tehran searches for a partner in the defense and security domain. Against this backdrop, China is emerging as a potential, perhaps even desirable, alternative to Russia. Recent commentaries in both Iran and China have made the case for closer defense ties and Iranian purchases of Chinese military hardware. These calls often highlight Pakistan's successful use of Chinese air defense systems during its recent tensions with India. Given Iran's lost trust in the quality of Russian systems and the urgency of rebuilding its air defense system, is closer China-Iran security cooperation on the horizon? That will depend on how policymakers in Beijing assess the costs and benefits. Benefits of Increased Defense Cooperation With Tehran One of the most immediate benefits for China in becoming Iran's defense partner would be the ability to consolidate an alternative energy corridor that bypasses traditional maritime routes. By linking Iraq's energy-rich regions through Iranian infrastructure and onward into Pakistan, China could significantly expand its overland energy security. Such an Iraq-Iran-Pakistan corridor would give Beijing a secure and controllable channel to access Middle Eastern hydrocarbons while simultaneously improving the energy security of its ally, Pakistan. If this corridor develops, it would partially insulate China from volatility in maritime choke points like the Strait of Malacca and the Bab el-Mandeb, providing Beijing with long-sought redundancy in its energy supply chains. More critically, deepening defense ties with Iran would offer China indirect influence over the Strait of Hormuz. Should China become Tehran's main security partner, it is reasonable to assume that Beijing would be better positioned to moderate Iran's behavior in the event of regional tensions, ensuring that the strait remains open and navigable. This is of paramount importance for China's own economic security as well as those of the Gulf Arab states. Increasing leverage over Tehran's strategic calculus through defense cooperation would thus serve both deterrent and stabilizing functions from Beijing's perspective. Another core advantage lies in an increased chance of containing Indian influence across Central Asia. Iran's drift away from India began in earnest after New Delhi began adhering to U.S.-led sanctions in 2018 and ceased oil imports from Tehran. The strategic vacuum left by India's retreat has only widened as India has grown closer to Israel – both ideologically, through shared anti-extremism narratives, and practically, via collaborations in defense, cyber, and agriculture. These ties have diminished Iran's value in Indian strategic thinking while India's pro-Israel stance has tarnished its image in the eyes of decisionmakers in Tehran, creating space for Beijing to step in. If China becomes Tehran's principal defense partner, it would be in a stronger position to frustrate Indian ambitions in Central Asia and the South Caucasus where Iran's geography is pivotal. With deeper Iranian cooperation, moreover, Beijing could synchronize the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) more seamlessly, using Iran as both a transit route and a geopolitical buffer. This coordination could marginalize India's efforts to connect with Central Asia and Afghanistan via the International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC), which hinges on Indian investments in Iran's Chabahar port. Should Iran allow China to assume a stake in Chabahar, the INSTC's viability would be fatally undermined. This would be a double blow to India: denied strategic access to Central Asia and outmaneuvered in its attempts to counterbalance China's BRI. Last but not least, the political trajectory within Iran also favors increased alignment with China. As internal rivalries intensify in Tehran, the most probable outcome is the consolidation of a security state led by the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC). This would replicate, in many ways, Pakistan's civil-military hybrid model in which real power resides with the armed forces. For China, this is a familiar and manageable structure. Beijing has spent decades building ties with Pakistan's military elite and would likely find it easier to engage with a similar power structure in Iran. Additionally, such a configuration could facilitate improved Tehran-Islamabad relations, smoothing the path for trilateral cooperation under Chinese patronage. Risk Factors While the strategic rationale for China to expand its defense and security partnership with Iran is compelling, it is not without significant complications. Beijing would have to tread carefully, balancing its ambitions with the risk of antagonizing a constellation of other regional and global actors. Iran may be geopolitically useful, but it is also diplomatically toxic. Any overt alignment with Tehran, especially in the security and military domain, risks exposing China to a series of entanglements that could undercut its broader objectives in the Middle East and beyond. Foremost among Beijing's concerns is the potential impact on its relations with Israel. Although China and Israel do not see eye to eye on a wide range of issues, their economic and technological cooperation has been substantial. China is invested in Israeli infrastructure, including port terminals and tech start-ups, and values Israel as a hub of innovation. A significant expansion of China's military relationship with Iran would be difficult for Israel to ignore – not least because for Israel the main problem is the Iranian regime's ideology and not its nuclear program per se. Ultimately, this could compel Beijing to weigh whether its long-term interests in Israeli technology and investment partnerships are worth jeopardizing for an enhanced, and potentially lucrative, defense procurement based relationship with Tehran. Another sensitive arena is China's extensive commercial ties with the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states, particularly Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates. These states have become key economic partners for China in sectors ranging from energy to logistics and transport. Close defense ties with Iran could disrupt these relationships especially if perceived as emboldening Tehran's regional adventurism. However, this risk should not be overstated. Paradoxically, China's closeness with Iran could also enhance its leverage with the GCC states. By acting as a potential mediator or deterrent influence over Iran, Beijing could present itself as an indispensable regional stabilizer capable of assuring Riyadh and Abu Dhabi that Iran will not escalate militarily or cross the nuclear threshold. In this way, China might parlay its ties with Iran into a broader diplomatic capital with Iran's southern neighbors. A further consideration is the exposure of Chinese state-owned enterprises and private firms to secondary U.S. sanctions. Although China and Iran have collectively developed methods, and indeed networks, to circumvent some sanctions, there remains a legal and reputational risk for companies involved in dual-use technologies or defense exports to Iran. At a time when China-U.S. tensions remain high, particularly around technology and trade, Beijing is likely to consider whether the potential gains from a deeper tie with Iran as a defense supplier are worth the cost of even greater friction with Washington. Also at play is the distant, but all too real, prospect of a regime change, organically or otherwise, in Iran. Although a popular uprising leading to regime change remains unlikely in the near term, as most Iranians are currently focused on day-to-day survival amid the crisis, public sentiment is volatile. As such, there is a risk that China's investment in the regime could backfire should there be a revolution in Iran. Conclusion Despite the favorable geopolitical context that appears to support deeper defense cooperation between Beijing and Tehran, the most likely outcome is a carefully managed and limited relationship rather than a full-fledged defense partnership. The institutional scaffolding for closer cooperation is already in place; the China-Iran Comprehensive Strategic Partnership signed in 2021 and their common membership in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO). However, the implementation of this framework would likely be shaped not by ideological alignment or mutual defense aspirations but by calculation, discretion, and long-term strategic interest on the part of China. Should China make the political decision to assist Iran in upgrading its defense capabilities, it would seek to do so without assuming the political cost of being seen as Tehran's military backer. Beijing's approach would be pragmatic and quiet. Assistance and sales, whether in the form of air defense systems, cyber tools, surveillance platforms, or drone technologies, will be offered selectively, and in a manner designed to limit visibility and exposure to U.S. sanctions or regional backlash. Chinese companies involved in these arrangements will be insulated through proxies or offshore intermediaries. This cautious posture, in turn, is driven by China's broader strategic outlook. For Beijing, Iran is neither an ally nor a partner but rather a geopolitical node and a useful check on the United States' desire to pull back from the Middle East. Iran's geographic location, natural resources, and strategic desperation make it a suitable partner for China's ambitions in Eurasian connectivity, regional balancing, and economic expansion. Yet China is acutely aware of the risks of overcommitment in the Middle East. Beijing does not want to become entangled in either regional rivalries or Iran's confrontations with Israel and the United States. To this end, China would likely continue to exploit the ambiguity of its position, keeping defense ties strong enough to benefit from Iran's vulnerabilities but restrained enough to avoid provoking its rivals.


Nikkei Asia
an hour ago
- Nikkei Asia
'Tough' Japan under pressure as Trump threatens higher tariff
Japan's insistence that sectoral tariffs on automobiles and other sectors be abolished has complicated negotiations. © Kyodo RYOHEI YASOSHIMA and RIEKO MIKI WASHINGTON/TOKYO -- U.S. President Donald Trump's talk of imposing a tax as high as 35% on Japanese goods has put Japan in damage control mode and may force it to back down from its call to eliminate all additional tariffs. Japanese Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba was pressed about his response to Trump's hard line on Wednesday by Constitutional Democratic Party leader Yoshihiko Noda at a party leaders' debate hosted by the Japan National Press Club.


The Diplomat
an hour ago
- The Diplomat
China Car Crash Plan Targeting Hsiao Bi-khim Shocks Taiwan
Comments late last month by General Petr Bartovský, the director of Czech military intelligence, stated that Chinese officials had planned to ram the car of Hsiao Bi-khim, then Taiwan's vice president-elect, during her trip to Prague last year. In the words of Jan Pejšek, a spokesperson for the Czech military intelligence, this was 'an attempt by the Chinese civil secret service to create conditions to perform a demonstrative kinetic action against a protected person.' The 'kinetic action' was apparently the planned car crash. Czech military intelligence emphasized that this plot did not 'go beyond the phase of preparation' and that Hsiao was never in danger, seeing as she was protected by Czech security services during her visit. But military intelligence spokespeople also underlined the 'unprecedented' nature of such Chinese actions, saying that this was a violation of the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations. Other details that have been reported on since suggest that the operation was planned by China's military attache in Prague and involved coordination between Chinese diplomatic and intelligence officials. In contrast to Czech military intelligence officials, diplomatic officials from the Czech Foreign Ministry have downplayed the incident, stating that they cannot reveal confidential details of sensitive cases, but that they were in contact with China. Hsiao and President Lai Ching-te were elected to office on the same ticket in January 2024 trip. In March 2024 – after the election, but before Hsiao and Lai were sworn into office – the vice president-elect visited Prague. Hsiao's purpose in traveling was likely to reassure European leaders about Lai's stances, given concern from some quarters that Taiwan's new president would prove to be a pro-independence provocateur. The visit occurred at the invitation of Czech Senate President Milos Vystrcil as the latest sign of warming times between Czechia and Taiwan. Nevertheless, Hsiao conducted the trip in her personal capacity so as to prevent the trip from being seen as provocative. Her trip was thus not as high-profile as past visits to Europe by Taiwanese government officials such as Joseph Wu during his time as foreign minister of the Tsai administration. Wu, too, was reportedly surveilled by Chinese government officials during his European travels, who sought to gather information on his meetings. News of the alleged plot against Hsiao proved a shock in Taiwan. As with Wu previously, it was already known that Chinese officials in Prague had sought to gather information on who Hsiao met with. It was also previously known that Hsiao had been surveilled during her trip to Prague last year, and that her motorcade was followed by a vehicle driven by China's military attache. While following Hsiao, this military attache ran a red light. Such surveillance was perceived as a means of intimidation at the time. However, it was a revelation that Chinese efforts to intimidate Hsiao went as far as potentially crashing a vehicle into her car. Although headlines in international media have generally referred to China's potential 'kinetic action' as an effort at intimidation, the incident is being perceived in Taiwan as potentially an assassination attempt. An event in domestic politics added to the sense of alarm in Taiwan. At the same time as Hsiao's European tour, the Kuomintang (KMT) – which had newly taken control of the legislature in Taiwan – had sought to introduce a new bill that would have required a new set of presidential elections if the vice-president-elect died. Consequently, pan-Green political parties such as the Taiwan Statebuilding Party have accused the KMT of potentially colluding with China in the assassination of Hsiao. The accusations come at a sensitive time in Taiwan, given the ongoing wave of political recalls targeting all KMT legislators. The recalls – on a scale unprecedented in the history of Taiwanese politics – are a reaction against political actions by the KMT in the past two years. Those actions include passing the largest set of budget cuts in the history of Taiwanese democratic politics, seeking to expand legislative powers to allow for new powers of investigation, and freezing the Constitutional Court to prevent it from making rulings. Given the recall wave, the political dynamics in Taiwan are at present similar to an election year. The first wave of recall voting will take place on July 26. It is possible that news of the plot against Hsiao will have a large impact on the recalls. Other incidents that happened shortly before past elections were thought to have affected the outcome, such as the Chou Tzu-yu incident ahead of the 2016 election that put Tsai Ing-wen into power. For members of the pan-Green camp in Taiwan, Hsiao is a much-beloved figure. Apart from her diplomatic successes in Washington, Hsiao is seen as the spiritual successor to Tsai, and she is touted as a frontrunner for the Democratic Progressive Party's presidential candidate after Lai. Indeed, if it had been a different politician targeted – say, Tsai's first vice president, Chen Chien-jen – there would not have been such a large public response in Taiwan. In turn, Hsiao appears to be an especially hated figure for Beijing. Hsiao is among the 'Taiwanese independence separatists' sanctioned by China and has often been targeted in condemnations. Beijing's special ire against Hsiao may come from her background: she was born in Japan to a Taiwanese and an American, and was educated in the United States. This background has sometimes led pan-Blue political opponents to frame Hsiao as, in fact, fundamentally an American with little stake in Taiwan. To this extent, news of the plot – as well as the fact that the KMT was seeking to pass legislation for scenarios in which a vice-president-elect died in a similar time frame – adds to the speculation that the KMT was acting in collusion with Beijing. It is hard to think that the KMT would have won a new set of presidential elections shortly after losing the 2024 election, particularly if a fatal car accident had made as beloved a figure as Hsiao into a political martyr not long before. The KMT's bill was not widely discussed at the time, overshadowed as it was by the party's attempt to expand legislative powers around the time of Hsiao's trip. At the same time, the DPP has increasingly accused the KMT of pursuing a Chinese stratagem in the last two years – by engaging in a political strategy that aims to reshape the division of powers among Taiwan's three major branches of government to privilege the only branch of government the KMT controls, the legislature. Many accusations from the pan-Green camp focus on trips to China by KMT caucus leader Fu Kun-chi, who is often seen as the architect of the KMT's actions in the legislature. Fu is accused of acting on Chinese stratagems, as well as receiving kickbacks from China; he is currently under investigation for potentially receiving merchandise from China to use in campaigns. Fu sparked controversy in March for having traveled to Hong Kong to meet with Chinese government officials, while trying to hide his trip through social media posts that showed him in Taiwan. Fu's secret trip was outed by Legislative Yuan President Han Kuo-yu, a fellow member of the KMT, for reasons that are not clear. Fu is also a graduate of Jinan University in Guangzhou, one of the Chinese universities that the Taiwanese Ministry of Education has classified as a United Front-affiliated institution. This in itself has become an object of controversy: some reports state that Fu holds a doctorate from Jinan University, but he has downplayed his time at Jinan University when questioned, claiming to have only spent a few months at the institution. Amid the brewing controversy, which is starting to impact the KMT, it remains to be seen how the car crash incident impacts the recalls. Certainly the release of such information by Czech military intelligence could have not have occurred at a worse time for the KMT.