Projek Sama flags key omissions in reforms initiative
While welcoming the initiative for improving transparency, Project Stability and Accountability for Malaysia (Projek Sama) highlighted the omission of critical reforms, some of which were previously pledged in Pakatan Harapan's manifesto...
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Borneo Post
7 hours ago
- Borneo Post
More pragmatic to work with PH - Hajiji
Hajiji replying to reporters at the recent Gagasan Rakyat annual convention. While the 'Go solo!' proponents continue their call, on the other side of the fence, the 'No solo!' advocates are also drumming up for support! The former are those who insist on fighting for independence from political meddling in Sabah by Peninsular-based parties, and continuing to push forward with the 'Sabah for Sabahans' slogan, while the latter feel such a desire, while noble, is not the best choice to win the next state general election (PRN17). Heading this group is no less than the Chief Minister, Datuk Seri Panglima Hajiji Hj Noor, who feels that the best strategic choice to win PRN17 and retain governance of Sabah is by keeping GRS intact and strengthened it with a strategic partnership with Pakatan Harapan (PH). He has assured this writer that GRS will definitely not be partnering with Barisan Nasional, hence denying the announcement by Umno President Datuk Seri Dr Zahid Hamidi that 'BN will maintain alliance with PH in the next Sabah state general election.' That might as well be because it's hard to picture GRS leaders in the same campaign team with Sabah Umno, headed by Datuk Seri Panglima Bung Mokhtar who once launched the infamous Kinabalu Move (Langkah Kinabalu) coup attempt against the GRS government. Hajiji sympathizes with those who are passionate about going solo, but he says the pragmatic approach to the critical D-Day for the next state government is to work with Pakatan Harapan. He reasons that the obvious tactical advantage with working the PH is the added strength for GRS which will predominate the power balance with complete alignment of the three racial groupings in Sabah – the Momogun, Muslim and Chinese voters. He sees that the PH will bring in the DAP with the pull-in power to attract the Chinese voters, a strength no local Chinese party has. As he has always maintained, Sabah's governance must continue a close co-operation with the federal government for continued development, and partnership with PH in the PRN17 will ensure election victory and pre-seal close state-federal relations post-election. 'We need to be pragmatic and not be unduly influenced by emotion,' he said. 'Going solo may look heroic but that will be a path with huge potentials for mistakes!' He is not alone in his view. In a viral write-up by Usno Chief Information Officer, Iskandar Zulkarnain Ismail, he asserts that 'Let us not allow our common cause to be divided while our political opponents quietly reorganise to reclaim what we built. Let Sabahans see STAR, PBS, USNO and all GRS components rise as one, with clarity, maturity and determination — not out of frustration, but from a place of purpose and people's mandate. As Robert Greene wrote in The 48 Laws of Power, 'Strike the shepherd and the sheep will scatter.' Our opponents are not attacking us directly — they are striking at our unity, hoping we scatter ourselves. Let us not oblige them. In the end, unity is not submission. To struggle within GRS is not to betray principles. To defend our home is not to isolate ourselves. It is to build collective strength, so our political house remains unshakable, and Sabah's future remains in Sabahan hands.' Another write-up forwarded to me by Usno President Tan Sri Pandikar Amin Mulia, opines that 'going 'solo' in a five or sixcornered fight may sound heroic, but the number works against voters, especially newcomers to the ballot box. When the field is splintered, a candidate can scrape through with barely eight or ten percent of the vote, meaning each ballot counts for less and whole communities risk being represented by someone most people never chose …. 'Beyond the numbers, frequent changes in government trigger a cascade of administrative resets: every time a new ruling bloc takes over, files are reopened, tenders reviewed, and projects paused. The PanBorneo Highway's stopstart history is a textbook example. Tens of thousands of commuters and businesses waited years while successive administrations rechecked paperwork instead of laying asphalt. Instability also chills federal support. Like it or not, Malaysia's treasury sits in Kuala Lumpur; when Sabah's leadership keeps revolving, officials in Putrajaya grow reluctant to release large, multiyear allocations, unsure whether the next state cabinet will even honour existing agreements. Shut the door on constructive dialogue, and Sabah slides to the back of the funding queue while other states with steadier governance move ahead. In short, a solo crusade may satisfy an urge for defiance, but it fragments voter power, stalls essential projects, and risks freezing out the very development funds firsttime voters want to see invested in their future. As such, GRS leaders and supporters appear to be already split. PBS has repeatedly made the assurance about its loyalty to GRS while STAR has gone along with the flow in GRS with a sizable segment of its members wanting a different path, echoing out the solo dream. But for all we know, Hajiji's choice to continue aligning with PH may actually be the most practical, logical and pragmatic – and wise – approach towards ensuring GRS keeps the seat of government post-PRN17. While cynics may speak negatively against his decision, he may eventually be proven right. His task now, of course, is the sell the idea to all GRS leaders and the people to ensure his formula for victory works out and ultimately solidifying his legacy as a statesman with the record as the longest-serving assemblyman.
Malay Mail
2 days ago
- Malay Mail
Midterm review of the Pakatan government — Lee Hwa Beng
AUGUST 1 — The last General Elections (GE) was held on November 19, 2022, with Pakatan Harapan (PH) together with Barisan Nasional (BN), Gabungan Parti Sarawak (GPS) from Sarawak, and Gabungan Rakyat Sabah (GRS) forming the government, and Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim becoming the prime minister. The Unity Government now has 153 members of parliament (MP) as follows: 1. PH (81): DAP (40), PKR (31), Amanah (8), United Progressive Kinabalu Organisation - UPKO (2) 2. BN (30): Umno (26), MCA (2), MIC (1), Parti Bersatu Rakyat Sabah - PBRS (1) 3. GPS (23): Parti Pesaka Bumiputera Bersatu - PBB (14), Sarawak United Peoples' Party - SUPP (2), Parti Rakyat Sarawak - PRS (5), Progressive Democratic Party - PDP (2) 4. GRS (6) 5. Warisan and others: 6 6. Independents of formerly Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia — members (7) The Opposition has 69 seats, led by Perikatan Nasional (PN), comprising PAS with 43 seats and Bersatu with 25 and Muda, one. There have been four by-elections since the last elections at the federal level. Kemaman and Kuala Terengganu were retained by PAS, and Pulai by PKR. But in Padang Serai, PKR lost to Bersatu. Party flags line the road ahead of the Sungai Bakap by-election June 26, 2024. ― Bernama pic Two parties, DAP and PKR had their party elections. The Lim stronghold over DAP were finally over with Lim Guan Eng being only one left in the central committee and Anthony Loke firmly in charge. In PKR, Anwar's daughter, Nurul Izzah took over as Deputy President of PKR, taking over from Rafizi Ramli after challenging the latter during the party elections in May 2025. Anwar's term as President is limited by the constitution to three terms, to end by 2026. Some people believe that Anwar is engineering for Nurul to take over as president in 2026 so that he can still be the PM after the next general elections due in 2028. The federal government is held by a unity government consisting of PH and BN. Seven states are held by this Unity Government: Johor, Pahang, Negri Sembilan, Selangor, Perak and Penang. Sarawak is under GPS and Sabah under GRS, with both aligned with the federal government. Interestingly, Umno is the opposition in Sabah and DAP, in Sarawak. The other four states Kelantan, Terengganu, Kedah and Perlis are held by PN. As the last federal level elections were held on November 19, 2022, the next is due by February 17, 2028. Sabah had its state election on September 26, 2020, and must have its next election by December 8, 2025. Sarawak had its state election on December 18, 2021 and must hold the next by April 10, 2027. Melaka held its state elections on November 20, 2021 and must hold the next one by November 2026. Johor held its on March 12, 2022, with the next election due in April 2027. For the other states, all their elections were held after the federal elections in 2022; as such, their terms can last past the due date of the elections of the federal government. As the title of my article suggested, I will attempt to review the state of affairs of our political situation for the federal government and not the state governments. Most independent political analysts agree that a slight majority of the Malays voted for PN and a high number of non-Malays voted for PH in the last general elections held in 2022. Hence the results reflected that high-majority Malay areas were won by PN, while mixed and non-Malay areas were won by PH. Umno was then contesting independently under BN and won in their traditionally strong Malay areas. Undeniably, voting are still based on racial lines. At this halfway point, has the support for the parties along racial lines changed? A lot of people voted for PH due to Umno's financial scandals, especially the 1MDB. But the Umno they thought they kicked out is now in Anwar's government. Umno's Ismail Sabri, also former Prime Minister, allegedly caught with RM170 million, will reinforce their hatred for Umno. The discharge not amounting to acquittal (DNAA) given to pro-government leaders, including those in Umno and Najib's AmBank case, whose cases were dropped, would also erode PH's traditional support. This factor will definitely push most of the Malays who voted for PH due to their dislike of Umno away from PH. Similarly, the non-Malays may not all move to PN but will likely stay at home. DAP has an Indian national chairman in Gobind Singh Deo, with his brother Ramkarpal as deputy secretary general, both of which are key party roles. However, both are Punjabis and not seen as Indians. There are also no credible Indians in PKR and this may make PH lose a lot of Indian votes, if people continue to vote along racial lines. The two years of PN government under Muhyiddin Yassin, and another two years of Muafakat under Ismail Sabri government, with PAS in both governments, might have pushed the non-Malays towards PH in the last elections. Will Umno supporters stay with them to vote PH or remain with PN without Umno? I believe the traditional Umno supporters will vote where there are Umno candidates and unlikely to vote for the other PH candidates. Very likely, these Umno supporters will vote PN when there are no Umno candidates. PH's support from the non-Malays depends a lot on DAP. Most Chinese depend on DAP to fight for their rights as they previously depended on MCA until MCA failed them. Anwar's pro-Islamic actions like the Mufti Bill, amendment to the law related to the jurisdiction of the shariah courts in RUU 355, the appointment of the new Chief Justice, DNAAs, etc, have scared quite a few Chinese. DAP's seemingly weak stand against PKR and especially Umno's Youth head's rhetoric has also weakened their traditional Chinese support. The Penang government with DAP control and a CM's recent introduction (which was then rescinded) of 5 per cent discount for house purchases by Indian Muslims also raised alarm. All these have weakened the green wave scare of Chinese against a PAS dominated government. In fact, the green wave scare was the main reason why most non-Malays, and especially the Chinese, won't be inclined to vote PN. On the economic front, is our country in better shape? The weak economic climate of the world, and especially the tariff factor of Trump, have also affected Malaysia. But has our government done anything to mitigate this economic slowdown? The recent economic stimulus and goodies announced by Anwar will not be enough to change their minds. To summarise, PH cannot rely on their past solid non-Malay support and must entertain the possibility that more Malays will vote PN in next GE. PH without BN's 30 MPs, GPS' 23 MPs and GRS's 6 MPs, and the 7 Independents would only have 81 MPs. Umno's support for PH will depend on the distribution of seats between PH and BN. It is unlikely that they can agree as a number of Umno seats lost in the last elections were won by PKR and Amanah. Similarly, most of the MCA and MIC seats were lost to DAP. I cannot imagine that PH will give up enough seats to make Umno, MCA and MIC happy. I believe these three parties will compete separately and there will be a three-coalition fight, ie, PH, PN & BN, as happened in the last elections. What can PH or Anwar do to ensure of victory? A lot will depend on the outcome of the state elections of Sabah and Sarawak, which will definitely be held before the next national elections. An increase in seats will require a 2/3 majority, but a redrawing of seat boundaries needs a simple majority. I believe Anwar will opt for the latter. As PH's support from the non-Malays will still be more than 50 per cent despite an expected drop as compared to last elections and Malay support for PN will increase, Anwar will redraw boundaries to have more Chinese in the mixed seats. The Umno-led Muafakat government had created a lot of big Chinese seats like Petaling Jaya, Subang Jaya, Klang, Ipoh, etc, for the last elections. I am sure Anwar will redraw the boundaries to shift the Chinese from these big seats to neighbouring areas to create more mixed seats. He will do this whole exercise just before the next elections to enjoy the advantage of surprise. Another possibility is that PKR might dissolve and merge with Umno with Anwar as the President. This will create new dynamics into our political arena. If this happens, MCA and MIC will again be played out by Umno as the new Umno will likely work with DAP. Anwar's age is also a factor. He is 77 now and will be 80 by 2028. To conclude, I dare to say, bravely, if elections were held today, PH will lose more seats and be forced to form a unity government again, possibly with Umno once more. Also, expect GRS of Sabah to lose the state, and Warisan to be the winner. In Sarawak, GPS will still win handsomely. Warisan and GPS will then be the kingmakers for federal politics. Datuk Lee Hwa Beng Three-term State Assemblyman Sacked by MCA in 2012 for the PKFZ Exposure * This is the personal opinion of the writer or publication and does not necessarily represent the views of Malay Mail.
Sinar Daily
3 days ago
- Sinar Daily
House arrest for Najib "a matter of when, not if," says political experts
SHAH ALAM – The possibility of former prime minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak being granted house arrest is a matter of "when, not if" and is likely to occur next year once he has served a sufficient portion of his sentence, according to political analyst James Chin. The analyst from University of Tasmania's Asia Institute attributed this impending move to "too strong" pressure from Umno grassroots. Any decision would require the consent of the Yang di-Pertuan Agong and adherence to due process. - Bernama photo Chin said the shift towards house arrest could be traced to the former king, Al-Sultan Abdullah Ri'ayatuddin Al-Mustafa Billah Shah's, addendum to Najib's royal pardon. "Yes, it will happen, when it will happen is a different issue, but it will happen, probably next year, when Najib has served the required minimum time before eligibility for house arrest. It will happen because the pressure from Umno grassroots is too strong," he told Sinar Daily. Chin warned that the political consequences could be significant, as many Pakatan Harapan supporters and Malaysians concerned about the 1Malaysia Development Berhad (1MDB) scandal are likely to view the move as evidence of preferential treatment for Najib. "Pakatan Harapan supporters and those who are very concerned about 1MDB will see this as a very negative move because it will be perceived as Najib being given special treatment,' he said. He added that Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim would likely deflect blame. 'Anwar will say this is out of his hands, that it was the decision of the former King. "Once you invoke the King's name, it becomes challenging for people to criticise without it being seen as seditious," he said. Chin also stated that while Najib's case could be raised during the upcoming Sabah state election, it is unlikely to be a decisive factor. 'The major issue in Sabah is still the 'Sabah for Sabahans' sentiment,' he said. Meanwhile, political analyst Associate Prof Dr Syaza Shukri offered a more cautious take, suggesting that Najib's release remains politically risky for the government. 'I don't think the government would allow his release because there would be many angry Malaysians. "Those calling for Najib's release are only Umno members and supporters. They don't represent the entire country, but they are using political pressure,' she said. She added that any decision would require the consent of the Yang di-Pertuan Agong and adherence to due process. 'If they allow Najib's release, it would be political suicide for PH. Their supporters will be furious. And if he is released, Perikatan Nasional (PN) will use it as evidence that PH is not serious about fighting corruption,' she said. Commenting further, O2 Research head Anis Anwar said the speculation places Anwar in a politically delicate position. He said any decision related to Najib's sentence will have to balance two equally high-stakes calculations. "On one hand, there is the need to preserve the fragile cooperation with Umno, a key pillar of the unity government. "On the other hand, there is the risk of alienating Pakatan Harapan's own voter base, many of whom have held firm expectations around judicial accountability and institutional reform since GE14," he said. Anis stressed that the government's best strategy is to frame any leniency towards Najib as a legal or constitutional obligation, rather than a political concession. 'If this framing works, Umno can claim institutional vindication while PH can maintain its stance that it was merely upholding due process. "Until this pathway is available, the government will delay any final decision, allowing legal institutions to absorb political pressure,' he added.
