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Trump signs his controversial Big Beautiful Bill into law as he celebrates July 4 with family

Trump signs his controversial Big Beautiful Bill into law as he celebrates July 4 with family

First Post2 days ago
US President Donald Trump has signed the controversial Big Beautiful Bill, turning it into a law as he celebrated the Fourth of July with family and members of the US Congress read more
Donald Trump signs his signature bill of tax breaks and spending cuts at the White House on Friday in Washington, surrounded by members of Congress. AP
Commemorating the 249th year of independence, US President Donald Trump has signed his sweeping spending package, famously known as ' Big Beautiful Bill'. Trump made the bill into law on Friday during a Fourth of July picnic at the White House, after it was passed in both the US House of Representatives and the Senate.
The bill is deemed as controversial because it significantly cuts back on federal safety-net programs in increases funding for aggressive immigration enforcement. Former 'First Buddy' and Tesla CEO Elon Musk was also not a fan of the bill since it slashes subsidies on Electric Vehicles.
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During the Fourth of July picnic, Trump was seen gloating about the passing of the bill in both chambers of the US Congress. 'It's the most popular bill ever signed in the history of the country,' Trump said, while standing next to his wife, Melania Trump. 'What we've done is put everything into one bill. We've never had anything like that before.'
This is a developing story.
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India faces a Russia dilemma
India faces a Russia dilemma

Indian Express

time10 minutes ago

  • Indian Express

India faces a Russia dilemma

India may again find itself in an uncomfortable diplomatic fix. US Senator Lindsey Graham is slated to introduce a bill that seeks to impose a 500 per cent tariff rate on American imports from countries that continue to buy products from Russia. He claims to have the support of 84 co-sponsors and the backing of the US President Donald Trump. If passed, India's diplomacy will be put to a stress test once again. It is likely to also trigger a debate around the strategic utility of India's relationship with Russia. Even if the bill fails to sail through, Russian President Vladimir Putin's visit to India in the coming months will probably set off similar discussions. Practitioners and strategic analysts are divided on the issue. Russophiles have argued that the India-Russia relationship is rooted in history and has stood the test of time. The genesis of this thought lies in India's experiences with the Soviet Union during the Cold War years, with the India-Pakistan war of 1971 being the watershed moment in the friendship. That event created substantial affinity towards the Soviet Union (later Russia) among the Indian public and political elite, while concurrently generating deep antipathy and cynicism towards the US-led West. The Soviet Union also supported India through the sale of arms at a time when the West (primarily the US and the UK) would openly arm Pakistan with sophisticated and advanced weapons while turning down India's requests. Further, they argue the Soviet Union was India's sole trusted partner with a veto in the United Nations Security Council (UNSC), particularly when the West raked up issues pertaining to Jammu & Kashmir. As per this school of thought, the experience of history demonstrates Russia's reliability and creates an obligation for India to support it. Russia, for them, stood with India when the latter found itself isolated by the West for most of the Cold War period. This school also contends that India and Russia are natural partners as their core interests do not conflict. Thus, they argue that the Moscow-Delhi relationship transcends any upheavals in the global order and is critical to maintaining India's strategic autonomy. Finally, any effort towards distancing from Russia would further push it into China's orbit of influence. Per them, an isolated Russia that is more dependent on China presents a significant challenge for India. Lately, a second strand of thought (Russoskeptics) has argued for strategic pragmatism when it comes to India's relations with Russia. It calls for a more pragmatic approach to modern-day Russia, notwithstanding the traditional and historical relationship with the Soviet Union. They endeavour to absolve India of any moral obligation by alluding to the latter's historically ambiguous and even contrary position on matters related to Indian interests vis-à-vis China. Moreover, they highlight, and rightly so, that in the Russia-Ukraine war, Moscow is an aggressor that has violated Ukraine's territorial integrity and sovereignty in a blatant disregard for international law. And thus, Russia does not deserve India's moral support in its unjust war. In addition, they point to the deepening strategic partnership between Russia and China as threatening India's security interests. This school also views Russia as a declining power that can do very little to augment India's comprehensive national power. On the contrary, Russia's expansionist tendencies have an adverse impact on India's relationship with the US at a time when its interests align far more closely with the West, owing to the changing geopolitical realities. This has significantly altered the cost-benefit matrix for India when it comes to its relationship with Russia. Morals and ethics aside, there are legitimate strategic reasons, grounded in realism, to argue for either side. The Russoskeptics point out that India's diplomatic capital is not infinite. And thus, it would not be prudent to spend it all to salvage the relationship with Russia, mainly for two reasons. Firstly, Russia continues to be the primary adversary of the US. And there is a possibility that proximity to Moscow may impede cooperation between New Delhi and Washington. Secondly, Russia may no longer be trusted as India's biggest defence and energy partner, given its massive dependence on China, economically, militarily and diplomatically. Notwithstanding the pragmatism and realism displayed by the Russoskeptics, they must answer two critical questions: Will making an enemy out of Russia and pushing it into a possible China-Pak-Russia nexus serve India's security interests in Asia? And would New Delhi be comfortable with the idea of Moscow selling its premium weapons to Pakistan? Moscow is already flirting with Rawalpindi and testing the waters to see if Pakistan could be its new prominent military partner. Further, while the Sino-Russian relationship stands firm, we are yet to see it adversely impact India-Russia ties in any significant way. This perhaps suggests that either the Russia-China relationship is not deep enough, or India-China relations have not strained to a point yet for Beijing to resort to coercion through Moscow. Thus, India cannot afford to downgrade its relations with Russia yet, and it must persist with its balancing act. This would require four actions on India's part. First, conveying to their American counterparts that China should continue to remain the preeminent source of their strategic convergence. Second, while diversifying arms imports from Russia makes strategic sense, it would be imprudent to seek diversification beyond a certain limit, which makes Moscow a little insecure. India needs to find that acceptable ratio. Third, India would need to engage China to ensure that the bilateral relations do not stoop to a point that Beijing feels the need to capitalise on Russia's dependence. Lastly, India must urge Russia not to close the door on themselves. If it wants to avoid slipping into China's sphere of influence and wants India to be on its side as a friendly centre of power, it has to allow India some space to work with. A good start for Moscow would be revisiting its Eurasia policy. The writer is a research analyst with Takshashila's Indo-Pacific Studies programme

Mercedes + UAE Golden Visa now a cheaper combo than just car deal in India
Mercedes + UAE Golden Visa now a cheaper combo than just car deal in India

Business Standard

time14 minutes ago

  • Business Standard

Mercedes + UAE Golden Visa now a cheaper combo than just car deal in India

At ₹1 crore, buying a Mercedes in India now costs more than getting the same car in Dubai-plus a UAE Golden Visa under its new nomination-based residency scheme New Delhi At the price of buying a Mercedes-Benz E-Class in India, Indians can now get the same car in Dubai and secure a UAE Golden Visa —thanks to a new nomination-based residency scheme that drastically lowers the eligibility bar. A viral social media post by entrepreneur Abhinav Kukreja brought this comparison into sharp focus. 'If you have ₹1 crore, now you can either: 1. Buy a Mercedes E-Class in India or 2. Get Dubai Golden Visa for Life + Buy Mercedes E-Class in Dubai,' he wrote on X, along with a news clip. If you have 1Cr, now you can either: 1. Buy Mercedes E Class in India Or 2. Get Dubai Golden Visa for Life + Buy Mercedes E Class in Dubai — Abhinav Kukreja (@kukreja_abhinav) July 6, 2025 Mercedes E-Class pricing: India vs Dubai In India, the on-road price of a Mercedes-Benz E-Class now breaches the ₹1 crore mark in certain cities. In Bengaluru, the E 220d variant is priced at ₹1,02,05,006. In Delhi, the E 200 starts at ₹78.50 lakh, while the E 450 costs ₹92.50 lakh (ex-showroom), according to estimates from CarDekho. In contrast, in Dubai, the E 200 starts at AED 326,900 (roughly ₹74 lakh), and the E 450 4MATIC is priced at AED 432,900 (around ₹97.5 lakh). UAE Golden Visa math Until recently, the UAE Golden Visa was a privilege reserved for property owners or major investors, typically requiring AED 2 million (₹4.66 crore) or more in real estate or business commitments. But under the new nomination-based pilot scheme, Indians can now qualify by paying a one-time fee of AED 100,000 (around ₹23.3 lakh), following a detailed vetting process, no property or business investment required. Under this system, eligible Indians can obtain a lifetime UAE Golden Visa for AED 100,000 with no property purchase required. Applicants are selected based on professional track record, contributions to the economy or society, and a detailed background check that includes criminal history, financial stability, and even social media presence. This initiative, aimed at attracting professionals, entrepreneurs, creators, and even e-sports players, allows approved applicants to live in the UAE indefinitely, along with family and domestic staff, with full work and business rights. What can ₹1 crore get you in Dubai? Golden Visa (lifetime): ₹23.3 lakh Mercedes E 200 (Dubai): ₹74 lakh (approx) Total: ₹97.3 lakh Trump's golden visa gamble The UAE's lowering of barriers is in sharp contrast to US President Donald Trump's own golden visa proposals. The Trump Card, officially launched on June 12, 2025, demands a hefty $5 million (roughly ₹41.8 crore) investment for foreign nationals seeking US residency. Lauded by Trump as a 'beautiful road to the greatest country", the digital card features Trump's image and promises green card privileges and an eventual path to citizenship. However, the legal framework around the programme remains unclear. It has no legislative backing from the US Congress, no formal USCIS structure, and has already drawn scrutiny from legal experts, with warnings that it could be blocked or challenged in court. Despite this, over 68,000 people have registered interest, and Indian investors were actively pitched the programme during a recent visit by US Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick.

Did China Attempt To Ruin Rafale Jets Reputation Using Embassies? Report Says...
Did China Attempt To Ruin Rafale Jets Reputation Using Embassies? Report Says...

India.com

time18 minutes ago

  • India.com

Did China Attempt To Ruin Rafale Jets Reputation Using Embassies? Report Says...

China reportedly leveraged its diplomatic channels and embassies to cast doubts about the Rafale jets' performance, aiming to tarnish their reputation and impede sales. This sabotage effort by Beijing came after the Indian Armed Forces launched Operation Sindoor on May 7 against Pakistan to avenge the gruesome Pahalgam terror attack. According to a report by the Associated Press, defense attaches in China's foreign embassies were tasked to undermine Rafale sales. Why Did China Attempt To Tarnish Rafale's Image? The question of what China would gain by tarnishing Rafale's image is simple. The attempt to affect the fighter jets' reputation could have an impact on sales, and the aim of the "disinformation campaign" was to persuade nations that have ordered the French-made jets not to make any more purchasing deals and even choose China-made aircraft. This could have directly helped Beijing boost its sales and, at the same time, affected France's relations with its partner countries and buyers of Rafale. China's Attempt Several media reports have suggested that this campaign to affect Rafale jets' sales was attempted by Pakistan and China following the India-Pakistan conflict in May. Furthermore, AP reported, citing the French Intelligence Service, that Chinese embassy officials made efforts to undermine the Rafale fighter jets during meetings with officials of other countries and tried to promote China-made aircraft. The sales of Rafales and other warfare equipment are a significant part of France's defense industry business and thus help the nation to solidify its ties with other countries. Rafale's Global Image The Rafale was not a random target; it was targeted because it represents a "strategic French offering", media reports said. This would mean that the campaign was not just designed to affect the jets but also the nation's image. The French-made Rafale fighter jets have been bought by several countries, including India, the United Arab Emirates (UAE), Serbia, Egypt, Qatar, and Indonesia. Indonesia has reportedly put in an order to buy more of the same aircraft.

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