
‘Crazy' luxury tax is disaster for Britain, warns the King's tailor
'The impact on our US business is significant.' So says Anda Rowland, proprietor of the King's tailor, Anderson & Sheppard, on the subject of Donald Trump's tariffs. In particular, the president's new taxes have knocked the company's hitherto thriving ready-to-wear online sales to America.
But the US tariffs are not the number one problem affecting the business. That accolade goes to the decision by Britain's previous Tory government in 2021 to axe the longstanding VAT exemptions on purchases by international buyers, which continues to hurt London's luxury goods sector. The policy, dubbed the 'luxury tax' or the 'tourist tax', has been blamed for driving wealthy foreign shoppers away from London and to rival hubs such as Paris and Milan.
'It's an absolute disaster,' says Rowland, whose business works with 60 suppliers from across the UK's textiles industry. 'VAT is the killer. It was crazy, because it's a discretionary spend and people can find something similar somewhere else.'
Fortunately, as she is quick to point out, what her business does isn't easily replicated elsewhere. Founded in 1906, Anderson & Sheppard is renowned for its 'English drape' tailoring and counts Cary Grant, Rudolph Valentino, Lawrence Olivier and Fred Astaire among its notable historical clients. (It also made that fuchsia tuxedo worn by James Bond star Daniel Craig at the premiere of No Time To Die in 2021.)
But the shop's most famous client today is undoubtedly the King. His Majesty has been a customer since the early 1990s and granted the business a royal warrant in 2011.
'The King is amazing,' enthuses Rowland, describing the thrill of seeing him wearing one of their suits. 'His Majesty is a great ambassador and also, on another level, he's helping us to improve our business practices,' noting that applying for a royal warrant requires applicants to meet a swathe of business and environmental standards.
Praising the Queen and the Prince and Princess of Wales for their role in helping to fly the flag for companies such as hers, Rowland confirms that when it comes to the King '80pc of what we do is repairs and alterations'.
Anderson & Sheppard's rich history and reputation, and the support of the Royal family, have helped to attract customers despite the luxury tax.
Fortunately, its core bespoke business is less affected by the US tariffs because much of it takes place in person in London. Affluent Americans fly in for fittings, negating the need for sending suits cross-border without their owners.
'Touch wood, we are extremely lucky,' says Rowland.
Rowland, 55, took over the family-owned Anderson & Sheppard 20 years ago in 2005, after a career at luxury cosmetics at names including Dior.
Her father, Tiny Rowland, the buccaneering Lonrho tycoon and one-time owner of The Observer who died in 1998, was an Anderson & Sheppard customer and acquired a controlling 80pc share in the business in the 1970s after being approached by cutters seeking a buyout partner.
When Anda took charge, her first task was to manage the company's move from its historical home on Savile Row – the lease was up and the building's owner was redeveloping the property – to new premises around the corner on Old Burlington Street. Successfully managing the transplantation after 99 years on the Row could not have been easy.
'The moment it really changed was when the first long-standing customer came into the new shop and said, 'Oh, wow, this is nice,'' she recalls. 'And then from that moment on, confidence was well established.'
Looking back, she says that being 'an outsider' to the Row was useful, and I suspect it informed her next move too. In 2012, she launched the company's first ready-to-wear range and opened a dedicated shop around the corner on Clifford Street – Anderson & Sheppard Haberdashery.
Here you can buy socks for £30 or off-the-peg trousers, suits or coats priced at anything up to the low thousands of pounds. The garments are predominantly from the UK, the intention being to complement the bespoke tailoring business by supplying items
for the rest of a customer's wardrobe but also to provide a lower price of entry to the brand (after all, a bespoke suit costs upwards of £6,000).
Rowland brings a business acumen doubtlessly informed by close observation of her late father at work as well as her own business experience and time spent studying for an MBA at Insead in Paris. Asked to list her main achievements over 20 years at the helm, her first is apprenticeships.
'When I arrived we really didn't have many apprentices. We didn't have succession.' This was dangerous when it takes four to five years to train a suit maker or a fabric cutter. Now the business has seven apprentices in its 32-strong workforce. 'That, I think, is one of the biggest achievements.'
Her second biggest achievement has been broadening the customer base: 'When I joined we were reliant on 40-50 people ordering quite a bit. Now we have more customers ordering less.'
New bespoke clients
These days the company recruits around three new bespoke clients a week – either through the ready-to-wear shop or via the extensive trunk tours of the US and Far East. Sales were up 8pc on the year.
Americans account for 42pc of bespoke sales, compared to 35pc from the UK, 18pc in Europe and 5pc in the rest of the world.
This year, before Trump announced his tariffs, Anderson & Sheppard was forecasting £7m turnover, with the aim of reaching £10m by around 2027. Crucially, growth must be accomplished while staying true to the firm's heritage.
'The biggest achievement is not having changed the spirit of Anderson & Sheppard – that our long-standing customers still feel that it's the same, the same ethos, the same love and attention to detail,' Rowland says.
This has helped by staff retention, says Rowland, for which they're 'probably the best in Savile Row'.
For all this, Rowland acknowledges much of what they do doesn't quite make sense. 'Who would set up manufacturing in one of the world's most expensive retail areas?' she laughs. 'I mean, you'd have to be mad with the business rates, the rents.'
But this again was also part of the rationale for the ready-to-wear shop and her strategy for the future. 'This side of the business can expand,' she explains of the haberdashery. 'But it's also about the long term, to make sure that we can continue doing what we do that we consider to be the best in the world, to stabilise the hand-making.'
Looking ahead, Rowland wants to grow online ready-to-wear sales, which account for around 10pc of turnover. 'The smartest thing we can do now is to improve our online offering,' she says. After that she hopes to open a second haberdashery shop in New York, subject to an anticipated improvement in US-UK trade terms.
At the heart of Rowland's approach is the need for the business to remain profitable in order retain and motivate staff. 'It's got to be a success, and it should be,' says Rowland. 'What we make is really, really good.'
The secret, she believes, is to move at a gentle pace. 'You don't want to stress a business like this – there's no need. We're not looking to sell out to some private equity firm and to get minimum numbers and [to] take it on and trash it.' On the contrary, she says, it's a case of 'slowly, slowly, with everybody on board.'
As to Rowland's requests of the Government, aside from restoring tax-free shopping, she says textiles companies are struggling with a shortage of skilled workers – a consequence of the Brexit travel restrictions. The recent rise in employers' National Insurance contributions is another headwind the industry didn't need.
Despite all this, the proprietor of Anderson and Sheppard is optimistic for the future of her business and Savile Row, too.
'It's world class, Savile Row,' says Rowland. 'What we're doing is a small, tiny industry, but we're first in it.'
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


The Herald Scotland
44 minutes ago
- The Herald Scotland
Aberdeenshire Tory civil war reaches breaking point
She became a Tory party agent when she was 19, moved to London and worked for Theresa May for nine years. READ MORE When she moved to Scotland she became the party's North East area manager and the agent for Douglas Ross. In 2007, she was elected to Aberdeenshire Council, eventually leading the Tory led administration. Now, she's one of a growing band of independents in the authority. Her shock resignation last week follows months of drama. She had been under pressure since a colleague leaked a screengrab of a WhatsApp message in which she called her fellow Tory councillors 'f****** b*******s' to the press. The situation was not helped when her husband, Steve, allegedly told a grandmother to 'p**s off' at a nursery protest. Mrs Owen denied her husband had sworn, telling the Press and Journal that the confrontation was sparked when the protesting pensioner 'violently shook a tambourine' at them. There was also a 'horrible' insult about a councillor from another party in a separate group chat. Details of exactly what Cllr Owen said remain private, but her apology was public. She told her rival they had every right to feel 'upset, angry and disgusted' at her 'callous and insensitive' comment. 'I want to sincerely apologise,' Cllr Owen wrote, calling the outburst a 'complete lapse in judgment' that did not reflect her true values or respect for the colleague. 'I do deeply regret this, and I am so very sorry,' she added. She said she made the decision to resign on Wednesday after receiving an email from a Tory colleague. It is not clear what was said — but it was the final straw. Douglas Ross and Gillian Owen (Image: Facebook) 'That finished me off. And I thought, now I'm not doing this anymore. I've just decided that the time had come for us to part ways, sadly. But now I'm just going to move on. That's what I want to try and do.' Ms Owen insists she is not defecting to Reform UK. 'I'm not crossing the floor or joining another party. People elected me as a Conservative, and I respect that. But judging by the emails I've had, some people might support me more now that I'm not in the party. I want to make it clear I'm not joining Reform — I've no intention of doing that.' That makes her an oddity among ex-Tory councillors in the North East, where five of her former colleagues are now in Nigel Farage's party. Former Aberdeenshire Council chief Mark Findlater and Mearns councillor Laurie Carnie joined last year. Ellon's John Crawley and East Garioch's Dominic Lonchay soon followed. Lauren Knight made the switch just two weeks ago. In fact, of the dozen ex-Tory councillors in Reform's ranks Scotland-wide, more than a third are in Aberdeenshire. There are some Reform-adjacent former Tories in the authority too. Robbie Withey quit the party to sit as an independent but is a supporter of Reform. Is this just Aberdeenshire — or a glimpse of the brutal civil war that could erupt within Tory ranks across Scotland as the threat from Reform looms larger? Nigel Farage's party has a strong ground game in the North East, particularly around Fraserburgh, where they are winning over disgruntled Conservatives and unhappy SNP voters. Last week's large-scale MRP poll by YouGov had them winning their highest vote share in Scotland in the Aberdeenshire North and Moray East constituency, second behind the SNP. The poll showed them 10 points ahead of the Tories in a seat which Douglas Ross lost by just 942 votes at last year's election. The same poll had Reform winning three seats at the next general election, and coming second in a slew of others. How do the Tories tackle this insurgency? Well, if Aberdeenshire is any guide, they will be hoping to fall back on the constitution. Last month, Ms Owen announced she was standing down as leader of the council's ruling Tory, LibDem and independent coalition, triggering a vote for new joint leaders. The SNP nominated Gwyneth Petrie for leader. Although she was defeated by 36 votes to 28, the split with the Tories is now so bitter that on Thursday the five Reform councillors backed the independence supporting councillor from Huntly, Strathbogie and Howe of Alford. READ MORE The Scottish Tories were cock-a-hoop. North East Tory MSP Douglas Lumsden was almost floating. 'Nigel Farage has already said he would be happy to let the SNP into power. Now we know for sure Reform candidates will vote for the Nationalists, while the Conservatives will keep the SNP out.' Following the vote, Reform councillor Laurie Carnie defended the support for John Swinney's party, telling local press: 'Obviously we're Unionists, but we just don't agree with the way the administration has conducted itself.' Gillian Owen's departure may seem like a local spat. Yet it is hard not to see in it something larger: a party fraying at the edges, struggling to hold the line as old loyalties snap and new alliances form.


Scotsman
an hour ago
- Scotsman
How Edinburgh helped decide Britain's relationship with Europe 50 years ago
Britain's vote to leave the European Union in 2016 - nine years ago this month - was a close-run thing and came as a shock whose repercussions are still being felt today. Sign up to our daily newsletter Sign up Thank you for signing up! Did you know with a Digital Subscription to Edinburgh News, you can get unlimited access to the website including our premium content, as well as benefiting from fewer ads, loyalty rewards and much more. Learn More Sorry, there seem to be some issues. Please try again later. Submitting... But it was a different story in the UK's first ever national referendum in 1975, when voters decisively backed British membership of what was then known as the European Economic Community (EEC) or Common Market. While the Brexit result - 52 per cent to 48 in favour of Leave - reflected a divided nation and forced the departure of Tory prime minister David Cameron, the vote 50 year ago was 67 per cent to 33 to stay in and represented a convincing victory for Labour's Harold Wilson. Prime Minister Harold Wilson goingto vote on referendum day 1975, accompanied by his wife Mary. Picture: Keystone/Getty Images. | Getty Images Advertisement Hide Ad Advertisement Hide Ad He had called the referendum, held on Thursday June 5, 1975, to allow the British people the say they had not been given when Ted Heath's Tory government took the country into the EEC without any ballot on January 1, 1973. Labour had made a manifesto pledge to renegotiate the UK's terms of membership and then hold a referendum to decide whether Britain remained in. It was also a way to deal with the internal tensions inside the Labour party, where there were passionate pro-Europeans as well as fierce critics of "the Market". There was much debate about the rights and wrongs of holding a referendum. Opponents called it "un-British", "a constitutional monstrosity" and incompatible with parliamentary government. But supporters pointed out referendums had been used in Northern Ireland and the Commonwealth and recalled that Ted Heath had promised he would take Britain into the EEC with "the full-hearted consent of the British people". The ballot paper in the 1975 referendum asked people to vote Yes or No to staying in the EEC | x Advertisement Hide Ad Advertisement Hide Ad Talks with Europe, led by Harold Wilson and Foreign Secretary James Callaghan, did not achieve the "fundamental renegotiation" they had wanted. But they did secure a partial refund of Britain's inflated financial contribution to the EEC. They were also helped by a change of leadership in both France and Germany, rising world food prices which closed the gap with those in Europe and support from Commonwealth countries for Britain staying in. The campaign saw politicians from different parties co-operating - with varying degrees of enthusiasm - on each side of the debate. There were two umbrella organisations - Britain in Europe running the Yes campaign and the National Referendum Campaign co-ordinating the No side. There was some debate among politicians on the issue of democracy and loss of sovereignty. But polls consistently found the topics which voters were interested in were food prices and jobs. Leading Labour anti-Marketeer Barbara Castle made a well-publicised shopping trip to Brussels to show prices were higher inside the Common Market. But in retaliation, the pro-EEC campaign sent one of their members to Norway - which had voted against joining - to prove that shopping was even more expensive outside. Barbara Castle and helpers display a variety of goods purchased in London and Brussels to support their claim that prices were higher inside the EEC. Picture: Keystone/Getty Images | Getty Images Advertisement Hide Ad Advertisement Hide Ad The Evening News organised its own shopping expedition, running a competition to choose two shoppers and sending them to Amsterdam as guests of the Dutch Dairy Board. "I must admit I was quite shocked to see that most of their food in tins and packets with well-known brand names were twice or three times more expensive than in Scotland," said Mrs Ella Daniel, 31, from Cortorphine. "But their fruit and vegetables were about the same price or cheaper and much nicer and fresher looking, They also have a greater selection. Alcohol is also cheaper." Mrs Kathy Urquhart, 60, from Kingsknowe, said: "The Dutch also have a generally higher standard of living with bigger wages than here. But we were told they do pay a lot of income tax and have a lot of deductions for their various social benefits." Both women said despite the prices, they still planned to vote to stay in. The Trades Union Congress formally backed a vote to leave the EEC, though some key union figures backed Yes. And an Economist poll found 95 per cent of businesses favoured staying in. Advertisement Hide Ad Advertisement Hide Ad The week before the vote, the Evening News reported how Peter Balfour, chairman of Scottish & Newcastle breweries, warned that leaving the Common Market would result in the loss of jobs for some of the company's employees in Edinburgh. Waverley Vintners, based in Holyrood Road and responsible for the group's wine and beer exports, would be worst hit, he said. William Reilly, chairman of the shop stewards' committee at S&N, branded the warning "a form of political blackmail". And Robin Cook, then Labour MP for Edinburgh Central, criticised employers for trying to influence the votes of workers. He cited one constituent who received a letter from her employer urging her to vote in favour of the EEC. "She was even invited to draw this advice to the attention of her family - the whole family would be voting according to the wishes of the boss. I am sure many workers will respond with some degree of sceptical indignation." Liberal David Steel in June 1975. He described Scottish anti-Marketeers as the "most narrow, inward-looking, xenophobic forces which Scotland could muster". | TSPL Advertisement Hide Ad Advertisement Hide Ad David Steel, then Liberal chief whip, described Scotland's anti-Marketeers as the "most narrow, inward-looking, xenophobic forces which Scotland could muster". And he rejected claims that EEC membership would obstruct plans for devolution in Scotland and Wales. Malcolm Rifkind, Conservative MP for Edinburgh Pentlands, argued that if there was a Yes vote to stay in the EEC, Edinburgh should become the centre of administration for the European Regional Fund. In an open letter to constituents he said: "In our two years of membership there have already been major benefits in Edinburgh and the Lothian Region. More than £1,500,000 of grants and loans have been made available and the regional fund will ensure continuing benefits." But Leith Labour MP Ronald King Murray, who was the Lord Advocate, told a press conference he would be voting No because he was concerned about the loss of parliamentary power and because the principal aims of the founding treaty were economic rather than social or human. Newly-elected Conservative leader Margaret Thatcher with 'Keep Britain in Europe' campaigners the day before voting in the EEC P. Floyd/Daily Express/| Getty Images Advertisement Hide Ad Advertisement Hide Ad The Yes campaign in favour of staying in the EEC had a lead in the opinion polls throughout the campaign. The leaders of the three main parties all wanted a Yes vote - including Maragret Thatcher, who had taken over as Tory leader just a few months earlier. But Scotland was the part of the UK where seemed to be most chance of a No vote. The SNP argued for leaving, though its slogan opposed membership "on anyone else's terms" and at least some leading figures would have supported separate Scottish membership. There had been a big debate about whether there should be one national count in London of all the votes from across the UK. Some feared problems if it was clear that Scotland or Wales had reached a different conclusion from the rest of the country. Winnie Ewing and the SNP campaigned against Britain staying in the Common Market. | TSPL But in the end, the counts were held at county level in England and regional level in Scotland and all parts of the UK voted Yes, except for Shetland and the Western Isles. Advertisement Hide Ad Advertisement Hide Ad All the counts were held the next morning. The Lothian count took place at the Meadowbank sports centre and revealed a 59.5 per cent vote for staying in - 208,133 votes for Yes to 141,456 for No. That was slightly above the Scottish average Yes vote of 58.4 per cent, but well behind the Borders, the most enthusiastic Scottish region for Yes with 72.3 per cent. The Evening News carried the result of the referendum just hours after the counting of votes finished on 6 June 1975. | TSPL An academic study of the referendum published six months afterwards concluded that the Yes vote to stay in was "unequivocal but also unenthusiastic". "Support for membership was wide, but it did not run deep. The referendum was not a vote cast for new departures initiatives, it was a vote for the status quo." When parliament met after the referendum, an MP asked Harold Wilson for an assurance he would not repeat this 'constitutional experiment'. Wilson replied: 'I can certainly give the Right Honourable Member the assurance he seeks.' But 40 years later, another prime minister took a different view and got a very different result.


South Wales Guardian
4 hours ago
- South Wales Guardian
Conservative MP refers himself to watchdog over adviser role
Former minister George Freeman submitted queries to Labour ministers about the sector the firm operates in, The Times reported. The newspaper published what it said were leaked emails that showed exchanges in which Mr Freeman had asked the company's director what to ask about as he prepared written parliamentary questions related to space data and emissions tracking. He reportedly tabled the questions, which are a way for MPs to ask for more information on the policies and activities of government departments, to the Department for Science, Innovation and Technology and the Department for Energy Security and Net Zero. He became a paid adviser with GHGSat, a monitoring service for greenhouse gas emissions, in April last year. The appointments watchdog Acoba advised him that in taking up the role, 'there are risks associated with your influence and network of contacts gained whilst in ministerial office'. 'In particular, this is a company that is interested in government policy and decisions relating to the civil space sector and emissions. 'You noted you have made it clear to the company that you will not lobby government on its behalf, and this will not form part of your role.' Mr Freeman told the Times: 'As a longstanding advocate of important new technologies, companies and industries, working cross-party through APPGs (All-Party Parliamentary Groups) and the select committee, I regularly ask experts for clarification on technical points and terminology, and deeply respect and try to assiduously follow the code of conduct for MPs and the need to act always in the public interest. 'Throughout my 15 years in parliament (and government), I have always understood the need to be transparent in the work I have done for and with commercial clients and charities and am always willing to answer any criticism. 'I don't believe I have done anything wrong but I am immediately referring myself to the Parliamentary Commissioner for Standards and will accept his judgment in due course.' Mr Freeman and GHGSat have been contacted for comment. A Conservative Party spokesperson said: 'George Freeman MP has referred himself to the Parliamentary Standards Commissioner. 'It would be inappropriate for the Conservative Party to comment further whilst the Commissioner's inquiries are ongoing.' The Lib Dems and Labour called for Tory leader Kemi Badenoch to suspend him. A Labour spokesperson said: 'Cash for questions was a hallmark of Tory sleaze in the 1990s, and three decades on the same issue has raised its head again. 'George Freeman has referred himself for investigation so now Kemi Badenoch must suspend him from the Tory whip.' Liberal Democrat Deputy Leader Daisy Cooper MP said: 'This looks like the same old sleaze and scandal people have come to expect from the Conservative Party. 'Kemi Badenoch should immediately suspend the whip from George Freeman while this is investigated. 'Failure to act would confirm that even after being booted out of government, the Conservatives are still hopelessly out of touch.' The MP for Mid Norfolk is currently on the science, innovation and technology committee and a trade envoy. He was responsible for the UK space agency in his previous role as a minister in the Department for Science, Innovation and Technology under Rishi Sunak.