
Anas Sarwar and Keir Starmer have taken another hit to any credibility
For the recently wedded, the first anniversary is known as the paper one. So-called, apparently, because the relationship of the couple is still fragile and delicate territory and is also a blank page representing how they are just beginning their life story together. Or maybe underscoring the need for a government to remember the all-important relationship with its own troops.
However, you dress it up, the very late-night concessions wrung out of a beleaguered Work and Pensions Secretary last Thursday night count as the third government U-turn in the last month. Thatcher once famously told her conference: 'You turn if you want to, the Lady's not for turning.' As they say; compare and contrast.
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In the past 48 hours, the narrative has been swiftly rewritten as the bill being strengthened, and the Government only changing its mind having listened – however belatedly – to its own backbenchers. The latter, of course, had already been listening to some very alarmed disabled voters and unpaid carers, liable to lose some £4k of urgently needed funds.
Turns out that what the PM dismissed as 'noises off' when he was at the G7 was more of a howl of anguish from a wheen of Labour MPs who had listened to their constituents more assiduously than their own cabinet had listened to them.
What can't be mended by this late-night about-turn is the anguish of many PIP recipients who have been through the mental wringer as minister after minister intoned that the bill would not be amended.
There's a very instructive passage in the book Get In, which recounts how Starmer was selected as Labour's likely leader and, if all went to plan, the PM in waiting: '[Morgan] McSweeney and his acolytes saw themselves as insurgents … as long as Starmer's private office was functional, they could control the party's politics themselves, without interference from small-minded Westminster villagers.'
The book also details Starmer's contempt for, and refusal to play by, the normal political rules. Which may just explain why Labour's high command, and its leader, remained tone-deaf to the scale of the rebellion until five minutes to midnight.
It also explains why Starmer first appointed Sue Gray as his chief of staff, believing that she could plug the gaps in the rest of the staff's political nous. Then she too was defenestrated.
McSweeney took the post instead which is a high-profile insider's role when the going is good, less so when the solid matter hits the fan. As he found out when he and Sir Keir tried to stem the rising tide of rebellion.
Even deploying high-profile colleagues to ring around the erstwhile faithful failed to persuade them to take their names off the so-called wrecking amendment. They longed for more of what Bush Senior once called 'the vision thing' and less growth through guns.
(Image: Rafik Wahba on Unsplash)
There's always spare cash for shiny new weaponry, many thought, but less for the poor, vulnerable or disabled. This was not why people had voted for Labour. (Not at all incidentally, the 12 new F-35A planes – which can carry tactical nuclear weapons – will come in at £80 million each, or just under £1 billion all told. Other defence contracts will be just shy of £60bn in the next calendar year.) Not really the sort of price tag which usually attracts 'noises off'.
The other thing to note about the purchase of the planes is that they're entirely contingent on the USA giving the go-ahead for their use – a bit like Trident which some people persist in calling our 'independent' nuclear deterrent.
The other day I heard Pat McFadden, the Scot who has sat for a Wolverhampton seat for the past 20 years, talk of America being a 'reliable ally'. Really? Would that be the country with a president as predictable as a Scottish weather vane?
The chap with the shortest attention span of any adult political leader? Allegedly the G7 timetable was hugely truncated to stop the Trump person getting too bored and maybe even again leaving early! It was once observed of Scottish golfing great Sandy Lyle that the longest thing he had ever read was a left-to-right putt. Bit like the perennially (and expensively) golfing bod in the White House.
Maybe flying back early from the Canadian summit gave him time for a quick nine holes before popping into his security meeting. Typically, he then claimed credit for solving all conflicts everywhere, his Iranian adventure certainly ensuring that attention was diverted from the carnage in Gaza.
Despite the ill-named Humanitarian Foundation he set up with his pal 'Bibi' having led to the murder of countless civilians whose 'crime' was being so desperate for food that they approached the aid stations, where many were gunned down.
Trump's reaction to all of this was to toss the Foundation another $30m, although the operation had been roundly condemned by everyone who actually understood, after many years of experience, how to distribute aid without casualties.
Inevitably, the fallout from the latest UK Government's capitulation has had an impact on the politics in our own backyard. Although there were the signatures of no fewer than 12 Scottish Labour MPs on the amendment, Anas Sarwar chose to back his ultimate boss. No change there, then.
Wonder how he felt on Friday morning when the commitment to reform welfare and the pre-existing bill met the Head Office's shredding machine. If you want people to stop referring to Scottish Labour as a branch office, then it's essential to stop behaving like a branch manager.
Sarwar may have to eat some humble pie this coming week, but his are flesh wounds compared to the ugly gash in the PM's credibility. Sir Keir was much given to mocking what he called the 'sticking plaster' policies of the government he so handsomely defeated a torrid 12 months ago. It will take more than a temporary plaster to heal this particular wound, I'm guessing.
And what of his Chancellor? Her legendary fiscal rules are apparently self-imposed; a naked bid to convince the marketplace that she was a serious chancellor with a serious agenda and would not cave in to external pressure. That too will lack credibility when she checks her spreadsheets and finds an ever-larger, blacker hole than the one she inherited. She and Keir will doubtless argue that the humongous hike in defence expenditure was an essential response to the dangerous times in which we all now live.
If that response includes tax rises and these are not aimed at those with obscenely broad shoulders, she may find herself pointed at the shredder too.
There is a well-trained army of lawyers and accountants whose day job is to allow the very wealthy to stay that way by stashing their cash in a variety of offshore hidey-holes. Every government promises to clamp down on this mammoth tax fraud and no government, to my knowledge, has made the smallest dent in it.
When Denis Healey was chancellor, he got pelters for suggesting he would 'squeeze property speculators until the pips squeak'. Mind you, the same gent once observed: 'Being chancellor is not a woman's job. There's a difference between the sexes, and people who don't know that don't know what people are like with their clothes off.'
I'm sure he didn't repeat that in the hearing of the redoubtable Edna Healey, his missus.
Then again, having a woman ruling the roost at number 11 probably depends on the woman.

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Daily Mail
30 minutes ago
- Daily Mail
Starmer 'still facing 50-strong revolt' on welfare curbs despite humiliating climbdown amid frantic Labour haggling ahead of crunch vote tomorrow
Keir Starmer is still scrambling to defuse a disastrous Labour welfare revolt despite making an humiliating climbdown. Around 50 MPs look set to defy the PM in a crunch vote tomorrow in what could be a devastating blow to his authority. It might even still be enough to overturn Labour's huge majority. Ministers are due to lay out details of the concessions that were announced last week, including guarantees that no current health or disability benefit claimants will be worse off. That is expected to wipe out more than half the £5billion of savings Rachel Reeves was hoping for from the package, raising the threat of more tax rises in the Autumn. Sir Keir has blamed the G7 in Canada and Nato summit in The Hague last week for failing to address the Labour revolt earlier. Work and Pensions Secretary Liz Kendall is pledging that if MPs pass the Bill at second reading tomorrow it will be amended at committee stage. The original plans restricted eligibility for the personal independence payment (Pip) and cut the health-related element of universal credit. The changes to Pip will now only apply to new claims from November 2026. Plans to cut the health-related element of universal credit have also been blunted, with all existing recipients to have their incomes protected in real terms. Details of a review of the Pip assessment, to be led by disabilities minister Stephen Timms and 'co-produced' with disabled people, will also be published. Draft regulations for the 'right to try', to enshrine in law the right for people receiving health and disability benefits to try work without fear of reassessment, will also be laid in Parliament. The Work and Pensions Secretary said: 'We must build a welfare system that provides security for those who cannot work and the right support for those who can. Too often, disabled people feel trapped, worried that if they try to work, they could lose the support they depend on. 'That is why we are taking action to remove those barriers, support disabled people to live with dignity and independence, and open routes into employment for those who want to pursue it. 'This is about delivering a fairer, more compassionate system as part of our Plan for Change which supports people to thrive, whatever their circumstances.' Some £300million in employment support will also be brought forward over the next three years. Those with severe conditions who are unlikely to recover – about 200,000 people – will not be called for a reassessment of universal credit. From next year to 2030, all those who already receive the health element of universal credit and new claimants with severe conditions and 12 months or less to live will see an annual rise to their combined standard and limited capacity for work allowance at least in line with inflation. Ms Kendall had confirmed concessions to the plans after 126 Labour backbenchers signed an amendment that would have halted the Universal Credit and Personal Independence Payment Bill at its first Commons hurdle. That is now expected to be withdrawn after the move appeased some rebellious MPs. But others are still committed to backing a similar amendment. Labour MP Rachael Maskell said she would sign the new amendment aiming to stop the Bill, saying it was not clear how the promised concessions would be brought in. 'There's no confidence… we're being asked to sign a blank check even with these changes,' she said. Vicky Foxcroft, who quit as a Labour whip over the reforms, told The Guardian there were 'areas where I still think there's need for movement' and that she had not decided how to vote. Olivia Blake, a Labour MP with a disability, told the paper the changes could create 'an unethical two-tier system that treats two people with the exact same injury or illness differently'. Conservative leader Kemi Badenoch has called the concessions 'the worst of all worlds'. The Liberal Democrats plan to vote against and have called for the Government to speed up access-to-work decisions to help people enter the workforce. Deputy leader Daisy Cooper said: 'Liberal Democrats simply cannot support any measures that make things harder for unpaid carers, disabled people who rely on support with daily tasks in order to stay employed, and those whose disabilities mean that they will never be able to work.


North Wales Live
38 minutes ago
- North Wales Live
Labour: A party on the edge in Wales amid anger at Drakeford, Morgan and Starmer
Certain realities about the Labour Party in Wales are undeniable. Having held power for an extended period, it still enjoys considerable support. However, beneath the "Welsh Labour" banner lies a diverse group, not a uniform entity. In Wales, the party is led by an individual who wasn't the preferred candidate among many of its elected representatives and didn't secure a victory in a member ballot. Meanwhile, at the UK level, the party's leader, although successful in a leadership contest, is experiencing plummeting popularity. These factors are crucial, as the party is bracing itself for a challenging year, facing opposition from two main fronts: the emerging populist appeal of Reform and the long-standing challenge posed by Plaid Cymru. Despite its rich history, substantial resources, loyal supporters, and established traditions, Labour is heading into the Senedd elections in May next year with trepidation. It is confronting the possibility of two unprecedented setbacks: its first loss in a Welsh election in over a century and the formation of the first Welsh Government since devolution began in 1999, in which Labour is not the leading party, reports Wales Online. There are many causes for concern nagging at and dividing party members, politicians and leaders. Among the most divisive are the recriminations over how and why the party was instrumental in bringing in a new electoral system that some believe will cost it the inbuilt advantage which it has enjoyed through first-past-the-post elections for generations. For our free daily briefing on the biggest issues facing the nation, sign up to the Wales Matters newsletter here Mark Drakeford personally comes in for a lot of the criticism. He is the one who pushed through, alongside Plaid Cymru, the new electoral system for choosing the 96 members of the expanded Senedd. At first, the new system was seen by political pundits as having been a stitch up by the two parties which would shut out smaller parties and independents through a complex list system in which Wales would be divided up into 16 super constituencies, from each of which six Senedd Members would be chosen through a system of proportional representation. Yet the rise of Reform has left that political calculation looking far less certain. If Reform repeats the success it saw in last year's Westminster election - in which it came second in 13 constituencies, third in nine and fourth in four - it would be uniquely poised to benefit from an election in which there could theoretically be no advantage from actually having the most votes in a constituency if the numbers are tight. Devolved Wales has always had some proportional representation through the 20 regional Senedd Members, alongside the 40 directly-elected ones. But now all 96 will be chosen by PR. Thanks to the geographic spread of its support, Reform could pick up one or two Senedd Members in all of the super constituencies in Wales. "Thankyou very f***ing much Mark Drakeford" I remember being told long before the polls started showing just how bad it could get for Labour. There is a widely held belief that this has been his pet project, something he believed to be right so insisted on delivering before he retires from front line politics. But, Labour is a strange, unforgiving beast. Rivalries from decades ago between different Cardiff branches are not forgotten and he is criticised for listening to his Cardiff West group and long-term allies rather than taking the electoral pulse of other parts of the party, lay members or even voters. The theory is this is something he has long wanted and has delivered, so no matter what the collateral damage he is stubbornly wedded to this model whatever the implications. He is accused of defiantly pursuing reform "intent on losing us the next election" because he listens to few outside his local circle. However, all the dredging up rows and bad blood from decades ago, masks a reality that the new electoral system might be the thing that actually saves Labour from total annihilation. First-past-the post won't help a party if it isn't the biggest party in a seat, and the latest polls suggest there may not be many seats in Wales where Labour can be certain of that any more. A huge MRP poll by YouGov last week gave us an indication how Labour would fare in a straight first past the post election, and it wasn't good with almost all the red wiped off Wales' electoral map. Of the 32 constituencies polled, Labour is projected to get four seats. Suddenly that 18% in the new Senedd looks an awful lot better than that 12.5%. This weekend, in a warm and muggy Llandudno party members did their usual, booking out the hotel rooms, going to a disco led by the First Minister, and then a gala dinner after a long day of being moved to empty seats to clap at speeches so the camera picks up a full and enthusiastic room. But you'd be lucky outside that room if you knew that because someone had decided to curtail media access to the top politicians more than I have ever seen at a party conference before. Yes, it fell at a terrible time with Keir Starmer in the spotlight over his U-turn on reform of Personal Independence Payments (Pip) and facing criticism from many in his own party in Wales over how his handling of the situation. But surely the party would want people to know the Prime Minister had been there? A few reasons were given to me as to why any of the usual things didn't happen. There was extra limited access to the traditional visit the day before, no media huddle to ask questions, no one-on-ones. Not even the attempt to get the party's usual favoured choice of an opinion piece on our website or paper. Different reasons were given to me as to why that happened - Welsh Labour told Number 10 to steer clear and others wondered if the heightened security was signs of something going behind the scenes - but it was, as a side note, galling given it wasn't long since Keir Starmer invited members of the regional press to Downing Street to explain how important their role is and how much he values our audience. My own theory? They didn't want more questions about division, so let's get in, get out, and tick the box of having visited Wales. "Mad" is how one comms professional responded when I explained the above. Keir Starmer came and ticked a box, but delivering a short, anti-climatic speech which was short of substance and didn't really offer much to the electoral battle Labour faces. The line from his team about a "backroom stitch up between the Tories, Reform and Plaid" didn't go down well with his colleagues, let alone the opposition. Granted, there is a small cross-section of people who attend a party conference, clearly you're a big fan, a big fan with the time, resources, inclination and money to attend. But in some ways, it's the most telling way to gauge the mood, because if you're one of these uber fans and you're not happy, then there is a real problem. The dynamics were variously described to me as being "end of days" and "awful" and some of that is inevitable because there are wider, worldwide factors at play which will impact the result here. Populist parties are doing well, traditional parties are getting a kicking and the news agenda is dominated by things that are out of the control of anyone but Eluned Morgan personally is in for flak too. She is cheerleading to the best of her ability, but she is not the leader her colleagues wanted, and she is described as "chaotic" and taking a scattergun approach to policy. Having surrounded herself with communications advisors, there is a real dearth of policy or substance, it was repeatedly put to me - but there are lots of glossy videos. Each time she announces a new big idea, there are cabinet members and civil servants having to rejig to deliver it. The latest of those is that this weekend she announced a new government department for AI, and how much money is dedicated to creating this "world leading AI growth zone"? Just £2.5m. There is real disbelief the party has failed to get its election candidates in place, or even a plan to appoint them. There is real worry and uncertainty about what the election result will be in May. Relations between MPs and MSs are never entirely hunky dory but Eluned Morgan's Norwegian Church speech where she said the UK Government had not done "enough" and "we need to see more from them" really angered the Parliamentary Labour Party, as did a call where she reportedly accused Welsh Labour MPs in Westminster of not standing up for Wales. And while a lot of photos are being released showing they are truly BFFs, there are questions about just how much the Welsh secretary and First Minister agree on. When she took to the conference stage, she whipped out a Welsh flag showing she's different to London. She emphasised that message with her choice of clothes at an evening conference event, wearing a red jacket and T shirt promising 'the red Welsh way'. MPs who went in expecting the change Labour had promised are bruised - it has been far from the first year they expected. While their Senedd colleagues are still recovering from an utterly bruising spell with egos out of place, anger, upset, factions and - as one said - "bodies still all over the floor". Eluned Morgan's choice to hammer home this message of "I will do what's right for Wales" (even if that means calling out UK Government) is galling to MPs there who say actually, Welsh Labour has made a mess of health and education over the last 26 years on its own, and now they have been given a huge chunk of change, they are the ones who need to do the right thing with it. And you cannot escape the fact succinctly put to me that "There's an irony that we invented the system that will oust us." If Labour is in a position to form a government, even as a minority partner, the locker of experience has been depleted because big players will have gone. The decades of experience of Mark Drakeford, Julie James, Julie Morgan, Rebecca Evans and Jane Hutt to name just five will no longer be there. But this changing of the guard also sees some of the most tribal soldiers leaving. Eluned Morgan is criticised for surrounding herself with too many people tasked with "communications" and too few with actual policy. New projects and policies are announced on the hoof with no thought about how it will be delivered or will play out outside her core team. And the party itself is not blameless. While other parties are flying through their candidate selections, Labour - which let us not forget started this whole reform idea - has thus far failed to agree on the rules by which candidates will be chosen let alone chosen its candidates. That means they still do not have a full list of the 96 candidates required under the new system, ranked in the order of which they will appear on the ballot paper. There is no date for when that will happen either, so while incumbent Senedd members have been chosen, the new blood of prospective candidates believe it will be October or November before they know. What does that do? Well it keeps them on their toes. If you're someone trying to secure selection and get the number one slot to maximise your election chances, then having to be on your best behaviour for longer, showing the party's upper echelons you're a good loyal servant works for them. That's a lot more leaflets you'll deliver. But it doesn't work for you if you're trying to out-compete a constituency colleague, building resentment at the number of events they post X status' from, who you may well end up on the list next to and (potentially) sat next to in the Senedd. It's a mad election strategy because normally, parties want the longest built-up time possible. They want voters to know the names, the faces. If Labour seriously doesn't deliver its decisions until the autumn or even the winter, they are limiting their potential for campaigning and will let their candidates loose at the time of year they least like campaigning, because people are more bothered about planning their Christmas than talking about politics on a cold damp doorstep. How did this happen? More than one person told me a plan for candidates had been drawn up by the Welsh Executive Committee and the party was ready to go, but then it was pulled, with no explanation. Before Eluned Morgan spoke, one long standing member told me she needed to row it back, stop talking about abstract things people can't grasp like green energy or economic summits, get back to three things - education, waiting times and social care. Then she went on stage and announced Wales was to be an AI wonder zone. Yes lots of people were talking about that idea as they filtered out of the hall but not in a good way. The big ideas she likes talking about about economic summits and green jobs are too abstract for Mrs Jones on the street. They need simpler messages. What is telling is how many people, even senior figures, have no idea what the next year holds. But no-one in Labour is talking about Labour being the biggest party. They are reasonably optimistic that they will get more than 18%, but a lot of that will be down to people not turning out for Reform or turning out at all, not because they actually want to back Labour. Eluned Morgan might claim "we are family" but this is far from a happy one.


North Wales Chronicle
an hour ago
- North Wales Chronicle
Llinos Medi: MP on her first year representing Ynys Môn
In the 12 months that have passed since her election, she has repeatedly urged the Government for clarity on its plans for a new nuclear power station on the island at Wylfa, requested emergency government support after the Port of Holyhead's closure due to storm damage, called for devolution of the Crown Estate in Wales, voted in favour of the Terminally Ill Adults (End of Life) Bill, and made her debut appearance on BBC's Question Time. Reporter Matthew Chandler met Ms Medi last week to reflect on her first year in Parliament. LM: It's quite amazing how quickly the year has gone. I would say in this last week or so, I've started to feel like I've got my head around the building, the expectations of me in the chamber, and of the mechanisms of this place. But it's about how you strike the balance, because I am here to represent my constituents, and when the workload is so heavy here, and you're not in your constituency enough, that isn't good, either. Sometimes, constituents contact me wanting to meet with me, and I've got to push them back a few weeks. I'm uncomfortable about that, especially when they're about serious matters. I still feel new here, and I think I'll still feel new for the next three years. Llinos Medi (first from left) with her Plaid Cymru colleagues in Westminster (Image: Submitted) LM: It's totally dependent on the workload here. The last three weeks, I've been in London much more than on the island. I've had to make decisions to go home midweek to meet some constituents who had serious matters that I needed to speak to them about. So, it's been quite challenging to get the balance right. Sometimes, you make the decision to stay in London, and then you're in the chamber for four hours and are not called to speak, so you've not been able to contribute. Being on Ynys Môn is really important, because I need to be able to be in touch with the people on the island. LM: I would say the amount of emails and casework we get at the moment shows that we are accessible. We have had lots of good outcomes through our casework for individuals on the island. We have surgeries, and have tried to arrange them in small rural villages, as well - not just the towns - so that people there feel they're accessible to them, too. Also, the fact that I live on the island, I know the people there, I've brought up my children there, I've spent 43 years there… hopefully, that increases accessibility, as well. LM: There was one piece of casework where the outcome on someone's quality of life was dramatic. She worked for a charity and had asked for support for some work she was doing. I was at an event, and this individual came up to me and just gave me a massive hug. I had to hold back tears, because I knew my team and I were able to have a dramatic impact on somebody's future. There have been other instances; somebody came to me and thanked me for helping with his benefits - his words were: 'I've been trying for 10 months, and you've sorted it in 10 days.' There are other stories, where you meet people for whom the system just hasn't worked. They're trying so, so hard to succeed in life, but every barrier has been put in front of them, and the state hasn't supported them. Obviously, I have empathy for them. Sometimes, people have just said to me: 'It's so nice that you understand how I feel.' One person said: 'You've given me the strength to be able to just battle through for a few more weeks. It isn't about social media, or having pictures taken, it's about having that direct impact on someone's quality of life. It's a team approach. I've got an amazing team on the island; my staff are very experienced, so I'm really, really lucky. Having that knowledge of what's going on in your constituency impacts what you say and do here in London, and definitely motivates you more. It's always the most vulnerable who usually don't have a voice. I want to make sure they feel they have somewhere to turn to, and someone who can support them. LM: Definitely. We all understand that the spend is increasing, and that we need to manage that. I totally get that. But you don't take away a lifeline and expect people to just be able to manage. That's ridiculous. Plaid Cymru have opposed Labour's welfare plans from the start, as we could see the dramatic impact they would have on our communities. Poverty exists in our communities, and disabled people feel its effects worse than anyone else. We know poverty is worse in Wales, and is 10 per cent higher among disabled people than in England. Some people use Personal Independence Payment (PIP) to plug the gap for housing allowance, so what you might have is more homeless people - so the state will be paying for homelessness. They are trying to make out that they're going to make these savings, but in reality, it will cost more in the end. They're talking about getting people into work, but there's no clear plan about how they're going to help the employers to give those jobs. I just find it really short-sighted. It just looks like sums on a paper, without any work done on the impact and the additional costs. It's giving with one hand and taking away with the other. It's not just for people out of work, either. Some people use their PIP to pay for public transport to get to work. We asked for a Welsh impact assessment because of the deprivation in Wales. Especially in areas like ours, where maybe some of the jobs are just seasonal work, it isn't as easy as they make out. LM: Devolving the Crown Estate would just give us parity with Scotland. It gives you an extra lever on how you want to spend. By 2029, child poverty will be at nearly 35 per cent in Wales. One country in the UK where it's coming down is Scotland - it'll be 19 per cent by 2029. We've seen Wales' natural resources being drained from our communities, and the profits going with it… the only thing that we're asking for is that we have the profits in our hands, to be able to spend them in a way that will benefit our communities, and poverty is one of them for us that could have a dramatic impact. Child poverty is just one example of what you could do with that. It is a problem for us all, because where children are in poverty, their educational outcomes are lower, so it becomes a long-term issue. The government has tried to say that devolution of the Crown Estate would fragment the market. My amendment was for a two-year transition, anyway, and Scotland hasn't seen any fragmentation of the market. This is a very weak argument. What they do know is that Wales will be producing a lot of energy, but they want the profits to go back to the treasury. LM: I'd say that's quite challenging, because you've still got that same narrative there. I was speaking to a young person last weekend who had lost his job, and his initial thought was: 'Oh gosh, I'm going to have to move away.' But when he started looking, he got a job instantly (on Ynys Môn). LM: I did - it was because of this narrative. I think we've told our young people to think in that way. We need to make sure that everything is aligned on the island for our young people. You will still hear me going on about Wylfa. I'm on the nuclear energy All-Party Parliamentary Group (APPG) and the small modular reactors APPG, and I'm vice-chair of the marine energy APPG because of Morlais (tidal energy project). I'm still in contact with the local authority, Stena Line and the Freeport, and am constantly in contact with Menai Science Park (M-SParc). LM: The decision on Sizewell C (a £14.2billion Suffolk nuclear plant given the go-ahead by the government in early June) is a positive step forward, because this government has shown they are in support of new nuclear, and have made financial decisions to show that support. What I'm still doing now is pushing the government to give us a clear indication on what they think is going to happen at the site so that we can prepare ourselves. If Wylfa comes, I want to make sure that we as an island, and also North Wales, maximise the benefits of the development. To do that, we need to work together and plan ahead. The skills side is one thing, the supply chain is another. How do we make sure that local businesses can get into the supply chain, and can benefit and thrive? They can offer apprenticeships and grow as businesses, as well. We just need that clear indication from the government that they will develop on Wylfa, and then we need a timeframe. As it is, people are disheartened. LM: I do now. The last question I asked Ed Miliband (secretary of state for energy security and net zero), I felt his response was much warmer towards me. The energy minister (Graham Stuart) has said himself in the chamber that I've raised this several times, so they definitely have heard me. I think I've been heard, but what we want is the government to understand the importance of giving us that clear indication, so we can plan ahead and can fully benefit from Wylfa when the decision is made. LM: I now have an office on the island which we struggled to get, and hopefully, it'll be opening soon. We've got a phone line, and our email system, but it's not an exaggeration to say we have thousands of emails. We try our best to be accessible. LM: I still feel, when I'm in that chamber representing Ynys Môn, that I've been given an amazing job to speak on behalf of its people. What I've got the most pride in is my accent. When I'm stood there, I think about the young children of Ynys Môn hearing their accent in that chamber. That's we why have democracy; so that we're represented by people from our communities.