PBS, Star likely to contest Sabah polls under GRS logo
KOTA KINABALU: Parti Bersatu Sabah (PBS) and Parti Solidariti Tanah Airku (Star) are likely to contest the 17th Sabah state election using the Gabungan Rakyat Sabah (GRS) logo.
GRS information chief Datuk Joniston Bangkuai said that while the matter has yet to be finalised, the leadership of both GRS component parties had indicated a move in that direction.
"Our leadership has more or less implied that it is important for us to contest as GRS candidates. That will further emphasise GRS' seriousness in forming the next government.
"That is why we must contest using the GRS logo," said the state Assistant Tourism, Culture and Environment Minister at the launch of the Community-based Tourism Expo at a shopping mall here.
PBS and Star are among the seven component parties within GRS.
Both parties, whose membership largely comprises the Kadazandusun Murut Rungus (KDMR) community, will hold a joint convention on July 20 at the Kadazandusun Cultural Association Hall in Penampang.
Joniston, who is also PBS information chief, said the convention would follow up on the memorandum of collaboration signed by both parties in April last year.
"We felt it was important to hold a convention to bring together members and grassroots leaders from both parties, to further enhance our good understanding and cooperation as we prepare for the general election.
"This is to demonstrate the cohesion between both parties, not just at the leadership level, but also at the grassroots. We hope this convention will further strengthen our collaboration at all levels.
"To win the election, there must be a close working relationship and mutual understanding with the grassroots. This is all aimed at strengthening GRS."
In the 2020 Sabah state election, PBS won seven seats while Star secured six out of the 73 contested.
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But the Chief Minister, Datuk Seri Panglima Hajiji Hj Noor, stepped in to cool things down by declaring, after a three-hour meeting of GRS leaders on May 7, that 'All is well in GRS.' The congenial smiles of the four leaders, Hajiji, Pandikar, Datuk Yong Teck Lee and Datuk Dr Jeffrey Kitingan on the front page headline of a local paper was hilarious knowing the strained backdrop of the news story. In dealing with the constrains to manoeuvre in the local political arena, Pandikar hasn't accepted any disadvantage he may have, but has leveraged on his strength of personality, as one who has gone through years in the political combat zones. Putting forth a self-assured front, he spoke his mind against some of whom he describes as 'greenhorns' – all in the bravado well-horned since his days in Bersih, AKAR and in the hot chair of Parliament. His latest no-nonsense pro-Sabah speech in Kunak, in which he raised Sabahans' grievances under the federal policies, has now gone viral and defined his and Usno's political stance. His strategy of advocating strongly for Sabah's greater autonomy within the GRS coalition has indeed enhanced his political influence. This 'brinkmanship' – pushing the boundaries of expected relationship norm in GRS – to the point of threatening to go it alone in the forthcoming PRN17, has likely boosted his clout within the coalition and among Sabahans for several reasons: 1. He appeals to the Sabah Sentiment: The desire for greater autonomy and a fairer share of resources is deeply felt among many Sabahans. By publicly and aggressively championing these causes, Pandikar positions himself as a strong advocate for Sabah's interests, resonating with voters who feel marginalized or ignored by the federal government. This strengthens his base of support. 2. Internal Coalition Dynamics: His outspokenness creates pressure within the GRS coalition. While potentially disruptive, it forces other coalition partners to acknowledge and address Sabah's concerns, giving USNO a more prominent role in discussions and decision-making processes. His willingness to push boundaries gains him attention and influence. 3. Media Attention and Public Perception: Pandikar's assertive tactics generate considerable media attention, increasing his visibility and shaping public perception. This increases his profile and strengthens his influence beyond the immediate political arena. 4. Negotiating Power: By demonstrating a willingness to push the boundaries of the coalition, Pandikar strengthens his negotiating position. He can leverage his vocal support for Sabah's autonomy to secure concessions and influence policy decisions within GRS. 5. Mobilization of Support: This assertive stance can mobilize support not only within USNO but also amongst other groups and parties sympathetic to Sabah's cause. This expands his political base and increases his bargaining power. However, it is crucial to note that this brinkmanship may carry some risks. Although his assertiveness had pushed GRS for a reconciliation, any excess may alienate coalition partners and damage his relationships within GRS. But as one who has known him since our days in AKAR, I see no possibility of him compromising on his stance where Sabah rights are concerned. It's a u-turn from his previous stance when he was Parliament chairman, but this new direction boosts Usno's influence as it resonates with the now popular 'Sabah for Sabahans' slogan. What he has achieved with his typical virulent rhetoric are leadership gems which has raised him further up in the Sabah political current, ultimately to herald the recognition that Pandikar Amin Hj Mulia is still a force to be reckoned with! It could also be perceived negatively by some voters who prefer a more conciliatory approach. The effectiveness of his strategy will depend on careful calculation and a deep understanding of Sabah's political landscape. The long-term consequences remain to be seen. Pandikar's shift from a previously pro-federal stance to a strong advocate for Sabah's greater autonomy represents a significant change in his political trajectory. This U-turn can be analyzed from several perspectives: • Political Pragmatism: Pandikar's change might be driven by political pragmatism. He may have recognized that advocating for Sabah's autonomy resonates far more strongly with the Sabah electorate than a pro-federal stance. By aligning himself with the popular sentiment of greater self-determination, he enhances his political viability and appeal within Sabah. • Evolving Political Landscape: The political landscape in Sabah has shifted significantly. The increased focus on the implementation of MA63 and the growing demand for greater autonomy have created a more receptive environment for pro-autonomy voices. Pandikar's shift might reflect an adaptation to this evolving political reality. • Internal Party Dynamics: His change could be influenced by internal dynamics within USNO and his desire to strengthen the party's position within Sabah's political arena. Embracing the autonomy agenda allows him to consolidate his position as a key leader within the party. • Strategic Calculation: Pandikar's U-turn could be a strategic calculation aimed at enhancing his negotiating power. By adopting a more assertive stance, he can exert greater influence within the GRS coalition and secure concessions from the federal government. • Response to Public Pressure: It's possible the shift is a response to mounting public pressure from Sabahans demanding greater autonomy and a more assertive representation of their interests at the federal level. Pandikar may have sensed this public sentiment and changed his political position to better reflect the views of his electorate. • Shifting Priorities: His priorities might have changed over time, leading to a reevaluation of his political stance. He may have come to view greater autonomy as essential for Sabah's long-term prosperity and well-being. However, it's important to acknowledge that Pandikar's change could also be perceived as opportunistic. The timing of his shift raises questions about his sincerity and motivations. His previous pro-federal stance could be used to criticize his current advocacy for greater autonomy, potentially undermining his credibility among some segments of the population. The long-term implications of this change will likely depend on the consistency and effectiveness of his approach. How has Pandikar's U-turn affected his relationship with other GRS leaders? What are the key issues Pandikar advocates for Sabah? What are the main reasons for the U-turn?
