Bail for Kerala nuns a feather in the political cap of BJP and Rajeev?
TNIE was the first to report the PMO's intervention. The entire episode is now expected to function as a catalyst in Rajeev's efforts to intensify his party's Christian outreach programme in central Kerala in the coming days.
For the Catholic Church, with its larger interest in the pan-Indian socio-political sphere, it has reiterated the need for friends in high places, especially in times of crises. 'In that sense the whole episode has been a give-and-take,' a Church official told on condition of anonymity.
If the mission had failed it would have cast a shadow on Rajeev. It ended up proving his close ties to the corridors of power in Delhi.
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Hans India
10 minutes ago
- Hans India
Karnataka Deputy CM DK Shivakumar Highlights Unwavering Congress Commitment, Takes Veiled Swipe At Siddaramaiah
Karnataka Deputy Chief Minister DK Shivakumar has emphasized his unwavering commitment to the Congress party, marking 37 years of dedicated service while subtly drawing attention to the contrasting political journey of Chief Minister Siddaramaiah, who transitioned from the Janata Dal (Secular) to Congress. At 63 years old, Shivakumar highlighted his deep-rooted connection with the party, stating that he has matured alongside the Congress organization. His comments appear strategically timed amid ongoing speculation about potential power-sharing arrangements within the Karnataka government, subtly positioning himself as the more loyal party member compared to Siddaramaiah, who joined Congress in 2006 after his tenure with the Janata Parivar. The Deputy Chief Minister reflected on his political career, which spans eight consecutive terms in the state assembly, emphasizing that his allegiance has remained constant from his early political days. He stressed the importance of maintaining organizational roots, suggesting that abandoning one's foundational connections leads to fruitless outcomes. This philosophy appears to underscore his criticism of leaders who have switched political affiliations during their careers. Shivakumar credited his appointment as Karnataka Pradesh Congress Committee chief to the trust placed in him by former Congress president Sonia Gandhi. He described his three-year tenure in this role as a period of complete dedication toward dismantling the BJP's governance in Karnataka, which he referred to as the "double engine" government. His efforts, he claimed, were instrumental in restoring Congress power in the state. The Deputy Chief Minister portrayed his contribution to the party's electoral victory as wholehearted, suggesting that his personal investment was crucial to bringing the current government to power. This assertion reinforces his claim to a significant role in Karnataka's political landscape and potentially strengthens any argument for greater responsibility or recognition within the state leadership structure. In addressing ongoing discussions about potential leadership changes, Shivakumar praised Sonia Gandhi's 2004 decision to decline the Prime Minister's position, describing it as an extraordinary political sacrifice that remains unparalleled in Indian politics. Without directly naming individuals, he observed that while some leaders are willing to share power, many others refuse to do so, even at the grassroots panchayat level. These remarks come at a crucial time when questions about a possible rotation of the chief ministerial position in Karnataka continue to generate political speculation. The comments suggest underlying tensions about power distribution within the state government and highlight the complex dynamics between the two senior Congress leaders in Karnataka. Shivakumar's emphasis on organizational loyalty and his implicit contrast with Siddaramaiah's political history appears to be a strategic positioning move. By highlighting his continuous association with Congress since his political inception, he distinguishes himself from colleagues who have changed party affiliations, potentially strengthening his claim to leadership positions within the state hierarchy. The Deputy Chief Minister's statements reflect broader themes of political loyalty, organizational commitment, and the significance of maintaining consistent party allegiance throughout one's career. His comments also underscore the ongoing internal dynamics within the Karnataka Congress unit, where questions of leadership succession and power-sharing arrangements continue to influence political discourse. As speculation about potential changes in Karnataka's leadership structure persists, Shivakumar's public assertions of loyalty and dedication serve to reinforce his position as a committed party member who has consistently supported Congress interests throughout his extensive political career. His subtle critique of party-switching behavior appears designed to highlight the value of unwavering organizational commitment in contemporary Indian politics.
Indian Express
10 minutes ago
- Indian Express
What India can learn from the maritime prowess of the Cholas
By N Manoharan and Diya Parthasarathy In his recent public address at Gangaikonda Cholapuram, Tamil Nadu, Prime Minister Modi pointed out the legacy of the Cholas in various arenas, especially in the maritime domain. But one wonders what the larger context of the Cholas' maritime ventures was, and how relevant it is today. Understanding the Cholas' maritime ventures is necessary to realise India's maritime tradition. Acknowledging this, a decade back, the Centre released a stamp to commemorate the contribution of Cholas in laying 'a strong foundation for promotion of trade, commerce and cultural exchanges which brought fabulous economic prosperity and expansion of Indian culture and heritage across the Indian Ocean to the land of South East Asia.' The Indian Navy undertook the 'Chola Expedition' in 2008 to replicate the 'invasion' of Srivijaya kingdom (Sumatra, Southeast Asia) by Rajendra Chola I in 1017 CE. By comprehending maritime ventures during the Chola period, it is possible to understand the present Chinese ventures in the Indian Ocean under the garb of the Belt and Road Initiative. The Chinese indeed had trade connections, but not in the present form of economically tethering countries along the Maritime Silk Route. There were two main interlinked drivers for the Cholas' maritime projection: Mercantilism and military expansion. At the turn of the first millennium, the trade patterns witnessed a transformation from pre-emporia to emporia. Pre-emporia trade denoted shipping of goods directly from the source of production to the place of consumption. Whereas, the emporia trade pattern meant that several intermediate ports catered to the breaking up of bulk goods for retail sales and purchases. Coinciding with such a change in trade pattern was the rise of 'corporate empires' like the Cholas, the Srivijaya Empire, the Khmer Kingdom of Cambodia, Champa in Vietnam, and the Song Dynasty in China. Varieties of goods were traded among the ports of these regions that included metals, spices, perfumes, cosmetics, precious stones, textiles, and even animals like elephants and horses. Significantly, customs levied on these goods that transited through seas constituted a chunk of the coffers of corporate empires. Though such a financial network gave a kind of order in these 'corporate' empires, it also led to disputes among those empires that tried to arm-twist the transiting trading crafts to serve their economic and political interests. The dispute started when the Srivijayans became avaricious and imposed a high levy for the passage of goods carriers through Southeast Asia. The Cholas did not take it kindly and wanted to get away from the 'Malacca dilemma' posed by the Southeast Asian kingdom. The Srivijaya rulers were also trying to control the land crossing across Kra Isthmus. Rajendra Chola went on to occupy Malaysia to control the Malacca Straits and also acquired Java and Sumatra by defeating Sailendra rulers during his Digvijaya. As China emerged as a leading trading point and market, securing sea lanes of communication became imperative. The Chinese considered the Cholas ('Chulian' by the Chinese) as a 'first-class' trade partner. Chola kings wanted to send a clear message to the Chinese that they would not hesitate to use military options against the obstructing elements (both state and non-state) to ensure the free flow of goods. This 'choke point syndrome' pervades even today, although the Chinese are more worried now than the Indians were then. To achieve the above two objectives, the Cholas depended on a strong and well-organised navy that was built over a period of time. Kings used to get a good deal of their income from trade and could thus afford to maintain a large and powerful navy without exhausting their land revenue base. The Chola Navy consisted of an armada of ships that were constructed and used for trade purposes. According to historical records, the Chola armada comprised destroyers, frigates and battleships. Apart, they used colandia, large expeditionary vessels, and sangara, large oceangoing single log vessels, to transport troops and logistics. These ships had the capability and experience to travel long distances. Kattumarams were small boats of wood tied together to float in shallow waters and to move goods from large ships to shore, and also to make amphibious attacks. The Chola Navy also included a strong intelligence wing to track intrusion of foreign naval forces. The Chola seafarers mostly used winds, heavenly bodies and currents to sail across seas. The kings were said to have encouraged the study of astronomy, geography and cartography as part of their maritime expeditions. A specialised study on the science of shipping and ship-building was patronised and pursued. Apart from commercial and trade interests, there were larger politico-strategic and cultural drivers behind the maritime ventures of the Cholas. They had to prove their might both in peninsular India and in the maritime neighbourhood. They had to protect trade routes and traders of Tamilagam. It was, in fact, a matter of survival and pride. Also, as Saivites, they considered it their religious duty to carry Saivism beyond Indian shores. Such drivers are true in the present context as well. It is intriguing to note why the Cholas did not pay attention to West Asia and Africa as much as they focused on South and Southeast Asia. One wonders whether it was because of the quantum of direction of trade that was flowing mostly from the west to the east, or did the Cholas consider Africa and West Asia beyond their reach? This aspect needs a fresh enquiry. Manoharan is Director, and Diya is a Researcher at the Centre for East Asian Studies, Christ University, Bangalore
The Hindu
10 minutes ago
- The Hindu
Telangana Congress leaders depart for Delhi in a special train to demand 42% BC reservations
In a show of political commitment, Backward Classes (BC) leaders from Telangana left for New Delhi in a special train on Monday (August 4, 2025) to participate in a three-day campaign demanding the implementation of 42% reservations for BCs. They will join the dharna at Jantar Mantar on Wednesday (August 6, 2025) where Chief Minister A Revanth Reddy, his Cabinet colleagues will also participate seeking Presidential assent to the bills passed by the Telangana Legislature on BC reservations. Telangana Pradesh Congress Committee (TPCC) president B. Mahesh Kumar Goud, All India Congress Committee (AICC) in-charge Meenakshi Natarajan, Ministers Ponnam Prabhakar and Vakiti Srihari flagged off the train at Cherlapally railway station on Monday morning. While Ms. Meenakshi will travel up to New Delhi, the other three leaders travelled up to Alair and will join the dharna the day after. Speaking to the media, Mr. Goud said that BC leaders have departed for Delhi to press for their constitutional and social rights. 'The collective voice of BCs must move forward with unity,' he said. Mr. Goud said that Congress leader Rahul Gandhi has taken up the BC cause nationally, and the Telangana Congress, under the leadership of Chief Minister Revanth Reddy, is playing a central role in this movement. 'After the 1931 caste census, this is the first historic step towards true representation,' he added. The TPCC president came down heavily on BJP leaders N. Ramachandra Rao and Union Minister G. Kishan Reddy, accusing them of deliberately blocking the BC reservation bill. He also questioned the silence of prominent BJP BC leaders, including Bandi Sanjay, Etela Rajender, and Dharmapuri Arvind. 'Do the BJP's BC leaders have no courage? Why are they not speaking up?' Praising Chief Minister Revanth Reddy's sincerity, he said, 'Though Revanth Reddy is not from the BC community, he has worked with complete commitment towards implementing BC reservations.' The Minister Ponnam Prabhakar, who also addressed the media, reiterated that the campaign for BC reservations was not a partisan issue. 'A special train carrying Congress leaders has departed for Delhi with a clear agenda of getting consent to the 42% BC reservations,' he said. 'Just as we fought unitedly for Telangana, we must now fight unitedly for BC rights. Let us keep this movement above party lines and politics.' He argued that the caste census was conducted in a legally sound and transparent manner, laying the groundwork for implementing BC reservations through legislation.
