logo
Kate Grenville: ‘I'm recognising the way in which I don't belong in Australia. I don't have to pretend any more'

Kate Grenville: ‘I'm recognising the way in which I don't belong in Australia. I don't have to pretend any more'

The Guardian11-04-2025
Kate Grenville crouches down on a rock on Sydney's lower north shore, feet bare, next to a Cammeraygal engraving of a whale. The writer is careful not to trespass on the art. 'You can just see the little figure,' she says, pointing to a faint outline of a mysterious tiny human with outstretched arms and legs in the leviathan's belly.
Ten-year-old Kate was first brought to this coastal Waverton site on a school excursion almost 65 years ago, but remembered only the big whale, not the little human. 'The whole thing was kind of trivialised,' she says. 'The [whale] outline was picked out in this white Dulux gloss, so I was astonished when I came back and realised there was a figure inside.'
Reaching for her bag on the timber boardwalk to fetch a cloth sunhat on this cloudy April morning, Grenville returns to the rock to absorb the presence of this etched human, who is perhaps an Indigenous knowledge keeper. Grenville, now 74, has just been on her own knowledge quest to grapple with a violent history from which many other non-Indigenous Australians have kept their eyes averted.
First, she drove once again to the familiar 'claustrophobic' valley of Wisemans Ferry on the Hawkesbury River, where her England-born great-great-great grandfather, transported convict Solomon Wiseman, 'took up' land shortly after being freed, according to the wording of family lore that took no account of Indigenous dispossession.
Clues to Wiseman's character were contained in unconfirmed rumours he killed his first wife, Jane, the mother of his six children, by pushing her down some stairs or off a balcony, accidentally or otherwise. In 2005, Grenville published her bestseller novel The Secret River, in which she fictionalised Wiseman as William Thornhill, speculating he took up a gun and shot Dharug people, and in 2015, the story became a milestone television miniseries, vividly depicting Thornhill's part in an Aboriginal massacre.
I tell Grenville I was on set when the massacre was filmed, deeply moved by those scenes and the leadership of actor Trevor Jamieson, a Spinifex man who encouraged the rest of the Indigenous actors to hug the non-Indigenous actors after the director called cut. 'What generosity,' she says. 'I remember when I wrote the massacre scene – I generally do 25 drafts – but that scene I wrote once, as though I was writing with my face averted, and I never revised it: I couldn't bear to look at it again.'
Now, Grenville has been looking deeply at the landscape, and what lies beneath. As she documents in her new nonfiction book Unsettled: A Journey Through Time and Place, she recently drove northward of Wiseman's Ferry, up through Tamworth, getting out of her car to walk at length wherever land was not 'fiercely fenced', to better understand the journey of her forebears after Wiseman, but also more deeply consider the devastation wrought on the Dharug, Darkinjung, the Wonnarua, the Gomeroi peoples and so on up the line of colonisation.
'I think this book is a kind of homemade, DIY truth-telling and I think that many people could do a version of that,' she says. 'Mine is a particular version because I happen to have the ancestors that went back, but everybody lives on a little bit of Aboriginal land. One of the things that people could do is to find out exactly what happened on that land before, who it belonged to, and really own that.'
We take a walk now, down past gums and grevillea, through country inhabited by ringtail possums and bent-wing bats. We head towards the collapsing timber docks, topped by rusting steel, down to the disused coal loader building, which from the 1920s to 1970s operated as a harbourside site where coal was delivered, stockpiled and transferred.
Grenville is a keen and curious rambler, enquiring about the tunnels within the building, but she is quick to point out she is not here to venerate colonial industry. She climbs the metal stairs on the side of the coal loader, looking out across the working harbour, naval ships in dock and cargo vessels chugging along, but it is the landscape she loves.
'Oh, it's beautiful, isn't it?' she reflects. 'I'm a top-of-the-hill person. I don't like valleys much. Balls Head, you look out across the harbour in all directions, and it is a fabulous feeling of freedom and the beauty of country.'
Grenville's soul-searching pilgrimage was spurred by the defeat of the referendum on the voice to parliament. She handed out how-to-vote cards for the yes side. 'There was certainly racism, and plenty of it, but the overwhelming feeling I got was people didn't know, they hadn't been told, they hadn't been taught,' she recalls now. 'And as that fabulously effective slogan went, 'If you don't know, vote no'; in other words, it is OK to just go on in ignorance.'
We repair to a cafe closer to the whale engraving. Over a pot of tea, Grenville is warm and engaging, glowing in a newfound confidence of belonging in Australia after her journey.
In class at North Sydney Demonstration School, Grenville had certainly learned of the 'exotic and picturesque' Aboriginal people, and was taught they were 'nomads' without a connection to place, and that after the British came, they were exposed to deadly measles, flu and smallpox. Never did her teachers speak of the colonisers shooting the Indigenous people. It was only as an adult Grenville began to deconstruct her mother's phrase that Solomon Wiseman 'took up' his Hawkesbury land. ''Took up' – I mean, you take up a piece of unfinished knitting ... you're doing something good.'
Recent reading and conversations with Indigenous people have helped Grenville gain a deeper appreciation of Aboriginal culture, history, land management and resistance. In the new book, she describes first Australians as 'patriots defending their homelands', eschewing the mythologies taught during her childhood.
In Unsettled, Grenville has prised apart the language non-Indigenous Australians use to tell our history. Now, she would like non-Indigenous Australians to be known as 'balanda' – a word the seafaring Macassan traders brought to the north coast of Australia, derived from Hollander, used to describe the Dutch colonists in Indonesia then taken up by some Aboriginal peoples here.
'I think the phrase 'non-Indigenous Australian' is not only cumbersome and awkward to say but it suggests we don't need a special name, that we are the default from which everybody else is a kind of aberration,' says Grenville, who today lives in Melbourne's North Fitzroy. 'But we are not the default, we are not the norm.'
Noting Victoria is 'ploughing ahead with the Yoorook Justice Commission', Grenville believes the 'balanda' across Australia must sit down with Indigenous Australians to deeply listen to truth, to aim for a 'treaty or some kind of negotiated agreement'.
In the 'great humming silence of landscape', Grenville writes in Unsettled, 'I know how little I really belong.' But now, she is feeling more confidence in her place, and radiates a sense of peace.
'I'm recognising the way in which I don't belong; that sounds kind of paradoxical, but I don't have to pretend any more because I recognise that my sort of belonging is a particular sort of belonging, and if you are an Indigenous person, that's a different kind of belonging.
'The challenge is to come together and find a way those two sorts of belongings can live side by side without the sense one has to crush the other.'
Unsettled: A Journey Through Time and Place by Kate Grenville, published by Black Inc, is out now. Grenville will be a guest at Sydney writers' festival in May.
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Missionaries secretly evangelizing uncontacted Amazonian tribes with Bible-reciting audio devices
Missionaries secretly evangelizing uncontacted Amazonian tribes with Bible-reciting audio devices

Daily Mail​

timea day ago

  • Daily Mail​

Missionaries secretly evangelizing uncontacted Amazonian tribes with Bible-reciting audio devices

Bible-preaching devices have been found in a remote indigenous village, sparking fears that Christian missionary groups are targeting uncontacted and isolated tribes, despite strict bans. According to reports, solar-powered devices with audio recitals of Biblical passages in Portuguese and Spanish have been discovered among the Korubo people. The tribe, who live in the Javari valley, near the Brazil-Peru border, are under strict protection by the Brazilian government. Military police stationed near the protected region have also reported mysterious drones flying overhead, according to a joint investigation by The Guardian and Brazilian newspaper O Globo. Sgt Cardovan da Silva Soeiro said he was ordered to shoot them down but was unable to. He said: 'I aimed my rifle, but the drone fled at high speed. It seemed very sophisticated.' He also reported the presence of missionaries he believes to be associated with Jehovah's Witnesses who live in nearby towns. Before the pandemic, a group of American and Brazilian evangelicals were accused of plotting to reach the Korubo using seaplanes to map trails and locate their settlements. A court order barred them from entering Indigenous land. The small yellow and black devices found near the tribe are distributed by In Touch Ministries. One recites a line from Philippians that encourages listeners to reflect on the death of Apostle Paul. The evangelical group's head, Seth Grey, has confirmed that the devices are intended for indigenous groups and are loud enough to be heard by up to 20 people. They feature inspirational talks by an American Baptist and can even work off-grid, due to their solar-powered nature. Locals say seven devices, called Messenger, have been discovered so far. But only one has been photographed. A message on the device says: 'Let's see what Paul says as he considers his own life in Philippians chapter 3, verse 4: "If someone else thinks they have reasons to put confidence in the flesh, I have more".' Grey has claimed to have delivered 48 of the devices to another tribe, but says his organization do not enter areas where contact is forbidden. Grey added that he is aware of missionaries who wander into places where they are prohibited. The Brazilian government prohibits any form of proselytizing in Indigenous territories unless the community themselves initiates contact. The Korubo are considered a recently contacted group and remain highly vulnerable to outside influence and disease, against which they have no immunity. As a result of their recently contacted status, missionary groups are keen to make contact and preach the gospel to them. The device is now in the possession of Maya, the matriarch of the Kurobo community, who has refused to hand over the device to authorities. For years, missionary groups have tried to convert indigenous people to Christianity. One of the most infamous cases of this is that of John Allen Chau, who in 2018 was killed by the Sentinelese people after going into the territory in an attempt to preach to them. In April, Mykhailo Viktorovych Polyakov, an American tourist, was arrested for trying to make contact with the same group that killed Chau.

An effigy of refugees, burned by a crowd: this is where Europe's brutal fantasy of border control has led us
An effigy of refugees, burned by a crowd: this is where Europe's brutal fantasy of border control has led us

The Guardian

time2 days ago

  • The Guardian

An effigy of refugees, burned by a crowd: this is where Europe's brutal fantasy of border control has led us

The burning of an effigy of refugees on a boat to the cheers of a riled-up crowd in Moygashel, Northern Ireland shows where we are today. A decade has passed since Europe's border crisis in 2015 and the shock caused by the image of Alan Kurdi, whose little body was found washed up on a Turkish beach. Sentiments of welcome and solidarity were short lived and have given way to a seemingly never-ending obsession in Europe with 'stopping the boats' and reducing the number of migrant arrivals. In the decade since Angela Merkel's 'we can do it', we have become used to hearing that 2015 must not be allowed to happen again. Across Europe, politicians routinely vow to fight migration, 'smash' smuggling gangs, ramp up border controls and build up detention and deportation capacities. A much-criticised migration pact was agreed upon while the annual budget of Frontex, the EU border agency, has seen a staggering increase, from €97.9m in 2014 to €922m in 2024. Entire border zones have become militarised and the guarding of borders has been 'externalised' so that non-EU countries can prevent migration on Europe's behalf. In this past decade, we have also become desensitised to the inevitable consequences of such repressive policies in terms of human suffering and loss. Reports and images of people forced into Libyan torture and rape sites, described by German diplomats as 'concentration camp-like' in 2017, no longer prompt a public outcry. Neither do the deaths of thousands in the Mediterranean every year or the criminalisation of activists who seek to avert mass drowning. Shipwrecks have become so common that they hardly make it into the news. What does make the news, however, is the discourse on migration that characterises it as an emergency. Often dominating headlines, it has become a permanent feature, a sort of enduring state of exception that far-right forces capitalise on. Instead of offering alternative visions of migration, parties of the so-called 'centre' or 'mainstream' amplify such crisis talk, catering to simplistic control fantasies and offering one solution only: more borders. Whether it's the Christian Democrats or the Social Democrats in Germany, Labour in the UK or Emmanuel Macron's government in France, mainstream parties seek to outdo parties to the right of them by pushing increasingly extreme and racist narratives, at times dangerously close to invasion and 'great replacement' conspiracies. In January, the French prime minister, François Bayrou, spoke of a 'feeling of submersion' in view of the migrant presence in France. In May, the British prime minister, Keir Starmer, suggested that the UK was at risk of turning into an 'island of strangers'. In June, the German chancellor, Friedrich Merz, claimed on Fox News that the past decade's migration to Germany had led to 'imported' antisemitism, so that fighting antisemitism meant fighting migration. Promising to solve societal problems through repressive migration policies and more borders, these 'centrist' or even 'progressive' political leaders are selling a dangerous fantasy. In a world riven by war, genocide, economic disparity, a climate catastrophe and growing authoritarianism, borders will never succeed in averting people's desire and need to migrate or flee. Indeed, the fantasy of borders is met, time and again, by reality: ongoing migration. Distracting from the inability to address any of the structural issues underpinning migration and displacement, and in ever-greater desperation, we are being served 'border spectacles' – performative but nonetheless violent and racist acts of exclusion, demarcating those who supposedly belong and those who do not. In the long shadow of the 'crisis' of 2015, we see intersecting developments across Europe that should worry us. First, a shift to the far right and growing authoritarianism. In Germany, the extremist Alternative for Germany (AfD) has comfortably established itself as the largest opposition party, at times leading in the polls, as do the Reform UK and National Rally parties in the UK and France respectively. Supposedly mainstream political parties have not only failed to stop the rise of the far right, they have contributed to mainstreaming their rhetoric and authoritarian policies. More than that, by intensifying migration cooperation with repressive regimes outside Europe, they have contributed to the rise of authoritarianism elsewhere. Tunisia serves as one of many examples where Europe's financial and political support has strengthened the security apparatus of its authoritarian leader, Kais Saied, who himself has spewed great replacement theories on migration. Second, a shift away from the idea of a 'post-national' community. The constant promise that borders will solve migration has reinforced the illusion that renationalisation is the answer. The departure of the UK from the EU, whose disastrous 'taking back of control' in fact prompted an increase in migration post-Brexit, may be the most obvious example. Sign up to Headlines Europe A digest of the morning's main headlines from the Europe edition emailed direct to you every week day after newsletter promotion However, throughout the EU, we see an increase in 'borderisation' – the erection of barriers and border controls between member states – as a way to supposedly reclaim 'lost' sovereignty. The very core of the European project – internal freedom of movement – is at risk and points to a growing estrangement from the idea of Europe as a post-national community. Third, an assault on legal norms and institutions. The normalisation of anti-migration violence, including through mass pushbacks, has led to a clear erosion of human rights. Indeed, some EU member states have legalised human rights violations at borders while Greece decided to temporarily suspend asylum altogether this July. International institutions meant to protect refugees, including the UN refugee agency, have been under assault while we see a concerted hollowing out of international rights standards and the gradual death of asylum. Even if the European obsession with borders fails to do what is desired – effective deterrence – it has real and dangerous consequences, for those seeking refuge and for us all. The burning of an effigy of refugees is what happens after a decade of dehumanisation. In the intervening years, many – from the supposed centre to the far right – have implanted a dangerous border fantasy that will continue to divide, hurt and kill. Dr Maurice Stierl is a migration and border researcher at the University of Osnabrück, Germany

More protests held outside migrant hotels across UK as anger over crisis continues to rise
More protests held outside migrant hotels across UK as anger over crisis continues to rise

Scottish Sun

time4 days ago

  • Scottish Sun

More protests held outside migrant hotels across UK as anger over crisis continues to rise

Hundreds clashed outside The Bell Hotel in Epping, Essex HOTELS STAND-OFF More protests held outside migrant hotels across UK as anger over crisis continues to rise MORE protests have been held outside migrant hotels across the country yesterday as anger over the issue continues to rise. Another demonstration was held nearby to the Brittania International Hotel in Canary Wharf, East London — which had been revealed earlier this week to be set to house asylum-seekers. Advertisement 4 Further protests have been held outside migrant hotels across the UK Credit: Gary Stone 4 A man is held by cops during the demonstration by The Bell Hotel, Epping Credit: LNP 4 The two groups of protesters in Epping face off against each other Credit: PA The large group of various ethnicities held a banner saying: 'Stop calling us far right. "Protect our women and children.' Meanwhile, rival groups clashed outside The Bell Hotel in Epping, Essex. Around 300 anti-migrant protesters had been kept in one fenced-off pen while around 500 in the pro-migrant group were in another, with cops between them. Advertisement Around 500 officers from 31 forces across England and Wales attended — with three arrests reported by Essex Police, including a woman on suspicion of a racially aggravated public order offence. It was the latest incident in Epping since Ethiopian asylum-seeker Hadush Gerberslasie Kebatu was accused of sexual assault. He has denied three charges. Elsewhere, around 250 protested near the Brook Hotel in Norwich, while more than 200 stood outside a migrant hotel in Altrincham, Gtr Manchester. Advertisement Other gatherings over the weekend have been reported in Portsmouth, Bournemouth and Leeds. Migrant hotel protests spread across the country with more planned today as cops clamp down on weekend of stand-offs 4 A demonstration was held nearby to the Brittania International Hotel in Canary Wharf, East London Credit: Gary Stone Four in 10 sex attack charges non-Brits Exclusive by Jack Elsom NEARLY four in ten people charged over sex attacks in London in the last seven years are foreign nationals, police figures show. Non-Brits are thought to be behind 2,809 out of 7,798 such crimes — 36 per cent — but make up less than a quarter of the city's population. A further 358 charged are of unknown nationality, meaning the foreigner total may be higher. Brits accounted for 4,631 charges. The largest cohort of foreign suspects were Romanian at 308, but Afghans are the most prolific by share of population at 89. The Centre for Migration Control obtained figures on nationalities of those charged with sex offences since 2018. It said: 'The spike in sexual offences against women and girls is directly attributable to our open borders.' The Home Office said: 'We continue to deport foreign nationals who commit heinous crimes in the UK.'

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store