logo
State revises timetable for Std 1 & 2; Hindi not mandatory

State revises timetable for Std 1 & 2; Hindi not mandatory

Time of India21 hours ago
Mumbai: The Maharashtra state government has released a revised timetable for classes 1 and 2, dropping the controversial proposal to make Hindi mandatory. The new schedule mandates only Marathi and English as compulsory languages and introduces an 'Additional Enrichment Period' aimed at providing academic support through remedial teaching, skill development, or preparation for competitive exams.
The move comes after backlash over the June 18 circular, prompting the State Council of Educational Research and Training (SCERT) to roll back many of its earlier changes.
Art and Physical Education, which had seen their annual hours slashed to 81 and 40, respectively, in the earlier version, have now been restored to 122 and 61 hours. Additionally, class session durations have been aligned with National Curriculum Framework (NCF) norms, increased to 45–60 minutes from the previously proposed 35–45 minutes.
Though the state has provided a model weekly timetable, schools retain flexibility in organising the daily order of subjects and start and end times. However, they are not permitted to reduce the total weekly or annual instructional hours.
You Can Also Check:
Mumbai AQI
|
Weather in Mumbai
|
Bank Holidays in Mumbai
|
Public Holidays in Mumbai
The Additional Enrichment Period is not part of the standard timetable but serves as supplementary learning time. Another provision includes 10 designated bagless days annually for experiential learning and reducing academic pressure.
However, concerns remain over the impact of extended school hours. Mahendra Ganpule, former head of the Maharashtra School Principals' Association, warned, "With schools operating in two shifts, children may end up leaving as late as 6:45pm. That's too late — especially with city traffic and rural safety concerns after sunset."
The new timetable will be implemented for Std 1 from the academic year 2025–26. For Std 2, the rollout will be contingent on the printing of new textbooks.
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

CUET-UG 2025 result out: One student scores 100 percentile in 4 subjects
CUET-UG 2025 result out: One student scores 100 percentile in 4 subjects

Hans India

time2 hours ago

  • Hans India

CUET-UG 2025 result out: One student scores 100 percentile in 4 subjects

New Delhi: One student scored 100 percentile in four subjects, and 17 got 100 percentile in three subjects in the CUET-UG 2025 - Common University Entrance Test (Undergraduate) - result for which was declared by the National Testing Agency (NTA) on Friday, said an official. The 13 lakh candidates, who appeared for the exam in two phases on May 13 and June 4, can now download their scorecards from the official NTA website, In the just declared results, 150 students got 100 percentile in two subjects and 2,679 students got 100 percentile in one subject. The NTA released the final answer key for the exam on July 1, 2025, following which 27 questions were withdrawn after receiving objections from examinees. This year 13.54 lakh students registered for CEUT-UG 2025 as compared to 11.13 lakh last year. The exams were held for admission in the first year of college in more than 260 universities across the country, including all Central universities. The exam had 37 subjects, and it was conducted in 13 languages at 300 centres across the country. The NTA said that the result of the examinations has been prepared on the basis of the final 'answer key'. The scores are being sent to universities, and students are advised to remain in touch with the universities for further process, said the NTA. Now the students should wait for the counselling process and cut-off list of their chosen universities, which will now prepare the merit list on the basis of the results. On May 14, exams were conducted for chemistry, biology, English and general studies at 2,157 centres across the country. As many as 6,43,752 aspirants appeared for the chemistry test at 1,640 centres, 3,63,067 candidates took the biology test, and 8,62,209 candidates appeared for the English exam, while general studies saw 7,21,986 candidates across 1,892 centres. After the first day of CUET-UG went off successfully across India on May 14, UGC Chairman M. Jagadesh Kumar said, "It is a landmark achievement by the NTA to conduct CUET-UG in such large numbers on a single day. The NTA deserves kudos for its meticulous planning and for making sure that the test went off well at such a large scale in the pen-and-paper mode." Since students write multiple tests, the above is equivalent to handling 25,91,014 students on a single day, he said, which constitutes 44.71 per cent of the total scheduled slots for students registered in the pen-and-paper mode. The tests in the four papers scheduled at 258 centres across Delhi on May 14 were postponed. The postponement was necessitated due to some logistical issues beyond the control of NTA. Accordingly, fresh admit cards were issued to the students in Delhi.

CUET-UG result 2025 DECLARED: Only one candidate scores 100 percentile in 4 out of 5 subjects, 17 bag top score in…, check marks, percentile details
CUET-UG result 2025 DECLARED: Only one candidate scores 100 percentile in 4 out of 5 subjects, 17 bag top score in…, check marks, percentile details

India.com

time4 hours ago

  • India.com

CUET-UG result 2025 DECLARED: Only one candidate scores 100 percentile in 4 out of 5 subjects, 17 bag top score in…, check marks, percentile details

Representational Image The Common University Entrance Test for Undergraduate courses (CUET-UG) saw an impressive performance this year. According to the National Testing Agency (NTA), which conducted the exam, one student from across India has scored a perfect 100 percentile in four out of five subjects they chose. The exam was held in computer-based mode (CBT) for over 13.54 lakh students who had applied for different combinations of subjects for the 2025–2026 academic session. What the NTA shared about CUET-UG: 1 student scored 100 percentile in four subjects 17 students scored 100 percentile in three subjects 150 students scored 100 percentile in two subjects 2,679 students scored 100 percentile in one subject A senior NTA official said these results show how well some students have performed in this highly competitive national-level entrance test. The CUET-UG 2025 exam, which helps students get admission into undergraduate courses at universities across India, was conducted on a large scale this year. CUET-UG 2025 exam: Subjects and Options A total of 37 subjects were offered: 13 languages, 23 domain-specific subjects, 1 General Aptitude Test Students could choose up to 5 subjects, including languages and the general test. CUET-UG 2025 exam: Question Papers and Language Medium 322 unique question papers were prepared, and 1,059 papers were used overall. Around 57,940 questions were asked. The exam papers were available in 13 languages: English, Hindi, Assamese, Bengali, Gujarati, Kannada, Malayalam, Marathi, Odia, Punjabi, Tamil, Telugu, and Urdu. Where was CUET-UG 2025 exam held Conducted in 300 cities in India, and in 15 cities outside the country like: Abu Dhabi, Doha, Dubai, Munich, Kathmandu, Kuala Lumpur, Kuwait City, Lagos, Manama, Muscat, Riyadh, Sharjah, Singapore, West Java, and Washington. This year, CUET-UG received a record 13.5 lakh applications. Most students chose: English (8.14 lakh students), General Test (6.59 lakh students), Chemistry (5.70 lakh students) Exam Mode and Past Issues 2025 exam was conducted fully in Computer-Based Test (CBT) mode. 2022 saw many technical issues and required score normalization due to multiple shifts. 2024 had a hybrid format, but exams in Delhi were cancelled last minute due to logistical problems. This year, however, the test was held smoothly over 19 days in 35 different shifts, showing improvements in planning and execution. (With PTI inputs)

The lingua of power: English and the making of modern India
The lingua of power: English and the making of modern India

Indian Express

time5 hours ago

  • Indian Express

The lingua of power: English and the making of modern India

In a modest classroom in Sirsa, Haryana, Abhay Singh Monga practices vowel sounds. He is about to begin his law degree at Panjab University, but before that, he has enrolled in a spoken English course at a private coaching institute. For Abhay, English is more than a language. It is a class marker. 'Without English, people think you are from the backward classes,' he says. 'It is an indication of your standard in life.' His classmate, Pankaj Bansal, a young advocate, echoes the sentiment. 'In court, everything — from paperwork to argumentation — is in English. If you are not confident in the language, you fall behind, no matter how smart you are.' Their teacher, Aanchal Arora, who runs the institute, has seen this pattern often. 'Most of our students come when they hit a ceiling,' she says. 'They are smart, capable, but they feel stuck. They know their career will not move forward without English.' In Delhi, Shivani Chandel, a government school teacher, shares a similar view. 'For many of the middle school students I teach, especially those from lower middle-class backgrounds, learning English is nothing short of a dream,' she says. 'From jobs to entertainment, English is the key to participation in modern life.' But how did this happen? How did the language of the coloniser become the language of ambition, governance, and even resistance? What does it mean for a country to simultaneously resent and revere the same language? This journey begins with the arrival of the East India Company and their bureaucratic need for order. Contrary to popular belief, English did not enter India purely as the language of the Empire; it first arrived in the early 17th century as the language of trade. The East India Company, focused on commerce, needed a practical linguistic bridge. The Company's earliest recruits in India were not scholars or administrators but petty traders and dockside workers, who relied on pidgin forms of English to conduct business in the bazaars. British Orientalist William Jones' 1786 speech comparing Sanskrit with European languages provided a linguistic rationale, but it was utilitarian politics that sealed English's fate. From 1818 to 1835, British Parliament engaged in intense debates over how to govern and educate Indians. Orientalists valued indigenous languages, partly to maintain continuity with traditional elites. Evangelicals, by contrast, saw English as a vessel for moral reform and Christian conversion. But utilitarians like Thomas Babington Macaulay reframed the debate entirely. Language, for them, was neither sacred nor civilising — it was a managerial tool. Macaulay saw English as a means to shape a class of Indians who would be 'interpreters between us and the millions whom we govern' — a buffer class that was intellectually and morally British, but ethnically Indian. Macaulay's 'Minute on Indian Education', presented in 1835, cemented English's primacy. He famously claimed that a single shelf of English literature outweighed all the books ever written in Sanskrit or Arabic. His goal was the production of an elite class — 'Indian in blood and colour, but English in taste, in opinions, in morals, and in intellect.' The debates ultimately led to the implementation of the English Education Act 1835. But as linguist Rukmini Bhaya Nair notes in her 2012 paper, Bringing English into the 21st Century: A View from India, this also enshrined an ideology: that English was synonymous with reason, clarity, and modernity, while Indian languages were branded as 'harsh,' chaotic, or outdated. The story of English in India is more layered than policy or perception alone. As Krishnan Unni P, Professor of English at Deshbandhu College, Delhi University, points out, the roots of English education run deeper than Macaulay's Minute. 'Much before Macaulay,' he says, 'the missionaries were already circulating English through schools, conversions, and other means.' The language's spread, he argues, was closely tied to caste and class hierarchies. 'It started with simple needs,' he says, 'first with commerce, then conversions, and then came Macaulay.' This ideological shift, however, did not go unchallenged. By the mid-19th century, Indian reformers and early nationalists grew uneasy. English offered mobility, but also alienation. Social reformers such as Raja Ram Mohan Roy initially embraced English, but others began to question whether its cost — cultural dislocation — was too high. Still, English had taken root in law courts, universities, and commerce. Among the earliest voices of dissent were those of Mahatma Gandhi and Rabindranath Tagore, who, though profoundly different in temperament, shared a common concern: that English was unmooring Indians from their linguistic and cultural soil. Gandhi's Hind Swaraj critiqued English for alienating Indians from their roots: 'To give millions a knowledge of English is to enslave them. The foundation that Macaulay laid of education has enslaved us. I do not suggest that he had any such intention, but that has been the result.' Tagore, in a 1915 essay, Shikshar Bahan, worried: 'When I intently ponder over the spread of education, the main obstacle seems to be the fact that its carrier is English.' Yet, English endured. Jawaharlal Nehru delivered key speeches in English; the Indian Constitution was drafted in it. Even Gandhi's writings eventually made their largest impact in English translation. Could India have realistically de-anglicised? Perhaps. But the choice was never purely linguistic; it was economic, cultural, and political. After 1947, India faced the formidable challenge of choosing a national language, one that could unite a linguistically diverse population without privileging a particular region or caste. While Hindi was promoted as the natural choice, its Sanskritised register raised concerns in the South. The strongest backlash came from Tamil Nadu, where anti-Hindi agitations erupted as early as the 1930s, and then again with far greater intensity in the 1960s. The language debate continued to evolve. In 2004, then Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee acknowledged its psychological dimension: 'The real fight is not between Hindi and the regional languages… but between the Indian and English mentality.' A year later, his successor, Manmohan Singh, offered a more inclusive perspective while receiving a degree at Oxford: 'Of all the legacies of the Raj, none is more important than the English language… We have made the language our own… English has been enriched by Indian creativity.' Yet this bilingual compromise remains uneasy. Former Delhi University professor Sumanyu Satpathy remarks that while English was never formally chosen, its persistence reflects practical consensus: 'Nobody imposed English. But Hindi? That was forced, and South India revolted.' The slow embedding of English into the Indian psyche is not merely pedagogical. It is historical, sociological, and deeply political. English in India is a paradox: the language of the coloniser that now signals empowerment, aspiration, and even resistance. British-Indian author Salman Rushdie famously reframed English not as a colonial relic but as a contemporary Indian language. In his 1983 essay, Commonwealth Literature Does Not Exist, Rushdie wrote: 'The children of independent India seem not to think of English as being irredeemably tainted by its colonial provenance… English is an essential language in India… simply to permit two Indians to talk together in a tongue which neither party hates.' Satpathy agrees. 'Even the Sahitya Akademi always considered English an Indian language. Even the Jnanpith Award, which traditionally honoured Indian-language writers, recently went to Amitav Ghosh, which is a major shift.' According to Satpathy, English has been 'remade' in India, stripped of colonial superiority and redeployed as a tool of local expression. In his introduction to The Vintage Book of Indian Writing: 1947-1997, Rushdie reaffirmed this: 'English has become an Indian language. Its colonial origins mean that, like Urdu and unlike all other Indian languages, it has no regional base.' In contemporary India, English remains one of the most powerful gatekeepers of privilege and opportunity. Fluency in the language often draws the line between mobility and marginalisation, between inclusion in the knowledge economy and exclusion from it. 'Where language is concerned, it is the language user who calls the shots,' says Professor Deepti Gupta, former chairperson Department of English and Cultural Studies, Panjab University. 'Initially, when most Indians did not use or understand English, it did become a hegemonic baton wielded by the colonial masters. But India, in its own style and at its own pace, first adopted English, then adapted to it, in order to become adept at it. Today, the imperial power is missing, but very clearly, in certain professions and situations, fluency in English is required for success.' Yet this advantage is not evenly distributed. Nair, in her paper, notes, 'Thirty percent of the Indian population is still illiterate in any language.' The promise of English remains unequally realised, skewed in favour of the urban and upper-caste elite. In metropolitan centres, English-medium education is often a default; in rural areas, it remains a distant dream. The divide is as much about class as it is about geography. The pressure to acquire English fluency is especially acute for women in newly affluent families. Nivedita Gupta, Assistant Professor at Amity University, Noida, recalls her years teaching in Punjab, where many young women enrolled in English programmes not for academic fulfillment but as preparation for the marriage market. 'They were under immense pressure to become symbols of refinement and upward mobility,' she says. 'I saw many of them break down, traumatised by the expectation that English fluency would define their worth in the eyes of prospective in-laws.' And yet, for many, English is not an emblem of elitism, it is the ticket to emancipation. In 2010, Dalits in Uttar Pradesh's Banka village built a temple to worship 'Angrezi Devi' or the 'Goddess of English'. As Satpathy explains, 'They felt that the classical languages of India had kept them oppressed. One way to bypass this long-standing linguistic hegemony was to 'worship' English.' For these communities, English offers an escape from the caste-bound hierarchies. This was also the vision of BR Ambedkar, the architect of the Indian Constitution and one of India's most influential Dalit thinkers. For Ambedkar, English represented a rare neutral ground, a language unfamiliar to all castes, and thus free of the embedded privilege and ritual authority of Sanskritised Hindi. It was, in his view, the only linguistic medium capable of ensuring real equality. 'Major Dalit leaders worship Macaulay. There's even a temple for him,' Satpathy adds. 'They know English empowers them. If they shun English, they'll be left nowhere.' The colonial-era caricature of 'Babu English', mocked for its awkward syntax and mimicry, has lost its sting in today's India. 'The whole term… has to be discarded,' Satpathy argues, pointing to the evolution of English into a dynamic, Indianised form. Deepti, who specialises in applied linguistics, agrees: 'Today, the importance of paralinguistic features stands diluted. This may be due to the tremendous spread of English and the countless variety of Indians using it.' Indian English has evolved into something unmistakably its own and is no longer tethered to colonial correctness. Nair describes this transformation as an act of 'semantic subversion.' From sutta to bindaas, young Indians inject regional idioms, slang, and grammar into English, reshaping it into a language of expression rather than imitation. Such hybridity is not a flaw but a sign of vitality. 'Hybrid forms are always good for the growth and development of a language,' says Professor Deepti Gupta. 'More varieties mean that the language is not at risk of language death and is evolving.' In a multilingual society like India, she adds, this interplay between languages is 'dynamic' and, if encouraged, can enrich both education and expression. However, she also offers a caveat: users must develop 'language intelligence' — the ability to switch registers and choose the appropriate variety for each context. 'For instance, in an interview for a position in a multinational organisation, a candidate cannot use the hybrid form. This is not masked cultural dominance, this is language intelligence.' Cinema, too, reflects this linguistic reorientation. Nivedita observes that 'while Indian cinema historically used refined Hindi and Urdu to evoke sublimity and emotional catharsis, today's films cater to urban, English-speaking elites.' English remains aspirational, but not just for the urban elite. Its reach now cuts across class lines. 'English is a passport to the world of jobs,' says Satpathy. 'Domestic workers send their children to English-medium schools because they see a reward in learning English.' For many, it is a question of survival, access, and the hope of social mobility. English in India today is no longer foreign. It is code-switched, re-invented, accented, and recontextualised, shaped by those who use it, on their terms. Aishwarya Khosla is a journalist currently serving as Deputy Copy Editor at The Indian Express. Her writings examine the interplay of culture, identity, and politics. She began her career at the Hindustan Times, where she covered books, theatre, culture, and the Punjabi diaspora. Her editorial expertise spans the Jammu and Kashmir, Himachal Pradesh, Chandigarh, Punjab and Online desks. She was the recipient of the The Nehru Fellowship in Politics and Elections, where she studied political campaigns, policy research, political strategy and communications for a year. She pens The Indian Express newsletter, Meanwhile, Back Home. Write to her at or You can follow her on Instagram: @ink_and_ideology, and X: @KhoslaAishwarya. ... Read More

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store