‘We can't hide kids:' Sumter County superintendent promises change after student records scandal
'We can't hide kids,' he said. 'We have to educate them to the highest standard, and that's exactly what we're going to do going forward.'
Less than a year into his tenure, Brown accepted responsibility and blame for a scheme made public by a 53-page report released by the Florida Department of Education last week that said for six years, the district falsified student records in order to boost its ratings and funding.
The plan centered around a program named SOAR. According to the report, the district moved approximately 200 low-performing students out of classrooms in their zoned school and into virtual classes. The investigation found that in some cases, the district never notified parents.
Brown said several staff had been terminated and the administrators involved had left before he took over.
He said the district would not have to give any money back.
'This is something that happened in the past, and we want to go forward and focus on the great things that we're doing,' he said. 'The only thing that I can commit to you as the leader of the school district now is that this will never happen again.'
Online and in-person Monday, residents celebrated the notes of transparency the district was sounding. Mistrust has run deep in some corners of the county, and the response suggested Brown was moving the district in the right direction.
Ironically, three of the four schools involved increased their ratings after SOAR ended and students returned to their normal classrooms. Two of the schools are now A-rated.
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Hamilton Spectator
3 days ago
- Hamilton Spectator
In Sḵwx̱wú7mesh, legal challenge fails to stop contentious floatel — but affirms women's rights
When a federal judge ruled last month in favour of Woodfibre LNG's floating work camp to keep housing workers near Sḵwx̱wú7mesh, it seemed at first glance the legal challenge had failed. The judicial review case asked the court to overturn the federal government's approval of the 'floatel' — a former Estonian cruise liner converted into a massive worker accommodation vessel, stationed seven kilometres from Sḵwx̱wú7mesh (Squamish) in Átl'ḵa7tsem (Howe Sound). 'I guess I was hoping that it would be a way for us to stop Woodfibre LNG,' Sḵwx̱wú7mesh Elder Tiaoutenaat (Jackie Williams) reflected, as she sat shaded from the sun at St'á7mes (Stawamus), one of the nation's six reserves. Tiaoutenaat was one of the applicants behind the judicial review case, alongside a 17-year-old Sḵwx̱wú7mesh Youth (whom IndigiNews is not identifying as she is a minor) and local environmental group My Sea to Sky. In the end, Justice Sébastien Grammond upheld the floatel's authorization. But according to the lawsuit's applicants, the case became about something bigger. And after the province launched public consultations on adding a second floating workforce housing vessel on July 8, the stakes for those concerned about gender-based violence are even higher. Although the judge didn't strike down the government's approval of the floatel, he acknowledged in a June 20 ruling that the presence of a largely male construction workforce could potentially increase the risk of gender-based violence in nearby communities. He also accepted that this violence risk — although 'open to debate' — touches on core guarantees to safety, equality, and protection from discrimination in the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. 'I am prepared to assume, without deciding, that the presence of a largely male construction workforce gives rise to a heightened risk of gender-based violence in neighbouring communities,' Grammond wrote, noting gender-based violence impacts values enshrined in the Charter. 'These values translate into a duty of the state to take reasonable measures to prevent gender-based violence. There is a sufficient nexus between greenlighting the floatel proposal and a heightened risk of gender-based violence.' Sue Brown, the lawyer representing Tiaoutenaat and the Sḵwx̱wú7mesh Youth through the advocacy group Justice for Girls , said this framing creates a legal pathway for future cases, even if the court didn't rule definitively on those rights here. 'We got a really, really strong statement from the court on the Charter and how it ought to apply in the context of decisions related to oil and gas projects,' she said. Brown says the court's decision creates a precedent — affirming authorities have a 'due diligence obligation' to consider and prevent gender-based violence when they review proposed extractive industry projects. 'The state now has an obligation to fulfill that duty,' Brown said. She added that this is the first time she's seen a 'Canadian' court articulate that obligation so clearly — a step she described as 'massive.' The Eagle Mountain-Woodfibre Gas Pipeline — operated by FortisBC to supply the liquefied natural gas (LNG) plant — spans roughly 47 kilometres, starting near the Coquitlam watershed and ending at the Woodfibre LNG terminal on the shores of Átl'ḵa7tsem. A short boat ride from Sḵwx̱wú7mesh, the plant is visible from Sp'akw'us (Feather Park), the town's new beachfront park, and the highway — particularly at night when intense floodlights cast a glow across the inlet, making it resemble a small industrial city. A nine kilometre tunnel will pass beneath the Skwelwil'em (Sḵwx̱wú7mesh Estuary) and connect to FortisBC's existing infrastructure, carrying fracked gas extracted in northeastern 'B.C.' and 'Alberta' through a network of pipelines across the province. When the gas reaches the Woodfibre plant, it'll be cooled into liquid using hydro-powered electric compressors and loaded onto tankers, which will voyage past 'Vancouver' and 'Victoria' before heading to markets in Asia. Companies including British-owned BP and Chinese-owned Guangzhou Gas are already contracted to receive exports. The province promotes LNG as part of a cleaner energy future . But some Sḵwx̱wú7mesh community members remain troubled about the long-term impacts of fracked gas and increased industrialization in their homelands and beyond. Recent federal moves in response to the trade war — such as the recently enacted One Canadian Economy Act (Bill C‑5), along with 'B.C.'s' new provincial legislation (Bills 14 and 15) — would fast-track similar industrial projects. The bills position major extractive projects such as oil and gas as matters of national and economic security. Back in 2015, Sḵwx̱wú7mesh Nation's elected government signed onto the Woodfibre and its associated pipeline projects, saying it 'conducted the first legally-binding Indigenous-led environmental assessments in Canada,' through 'extensive community engagement.' But as Tiaoutenaat alleged, 'They called a community meeting at the 13th hour,' arguing the meeting had low turnout with an estimated 30 people. She said a majority of participants opposed the proposed deals, requesting instead a community referendum. But the nation went ahead with the project, saying that it 'voiced the need for the nation's culture, values and priorities to be reflected when assessing such large projects,' Sḵwx̱wú7mesh Úxwumixw states on its website . 'Between 2013 and 2015 … extensive community engagement and technical review led to the nation ultimately approving both projects with conditions to ensure environmental, cultural, archaeological, and social priorities were addressed with nation oversight.' Meanwhile, many members of the newly elected council that followed, in 2017, ran under a campaign that opposed Woodfibre. 'I think that the last council was guided by a set of principles that they tried to bring forward and I think that the community didn't agree with those principles,' elected councillor Khelsilem told CBC at the time. 'I think the community spoke loudly and clearly that they do not support the development of Woodfibre LNG in our territory and they've elected people who are ready to stand up for our environment.' IndigiNews requested an interview with Sḵwx̱wú7mesh leadership but did not hear back before publication time. Community members like Tiaoutenaat still remember the harm caused by the old Britannia Mines (closed in 1974), the Woodfibre Pulp Mill (closed in 2006), and the FMC Canada/Canadian-Oxy mercury cell chlor-alkali plant (closed in 1991). With so much industry located on the waters of Átl'ḵa7tsem, there have been decades of pollution which drove marine life away, she reflected. 'We're only just seeing it come back to life,' said Tiaoutenaat, her voice breaking. Woodfibre LNG's floatel has been moored and occupied at the Woodfibre LNG site on Átl'ḵa7tsem since June 21 of last year — despite lacking a municipal permit from the District of Squamish. Days after the municipal council voted to reject its one-year temporary use permit, Woodfibre moved the floatel into place, citing a June 17 order from the B.C. Environmental Assessment Office to resolve its worker-housing plans. 'Woodfibre LNG is committed to avoiding impacts and maximizing local benefits for the community,' the company's website states, noting that non-local workers won't be allowed into nearby communities, but transported to 'Vancouver.' 'The floatel was specifically selected to promote a safe and culturally inclusive work environment … All workers on the floatel undergo mandatory, in-person cultural awareness and gender safety training delivered by Indigenous trainers.' But the decision to move workers onto the ship — and the speed at which it was deployed — raised concerns about the social impacts of industrial work camps, which led to the recent judicial review. Central to the case was the concern for an increased risk of violence toward Indigenous women, girls, and 2SLGBTQ+ people. Those concerns, Brown said, point to a deeper legal question — one that Justice Grammond appeared open to considering: whether governments have a positive obligation not only to avoid causing harm, but to actively prevent it. This evolving legal concept, especially relevant in cases of gender-based violence, is also gaining traction in climate and human rights litigation. To illustrate this shift, Grammond cited La Rose v. Canada , a Youth-led climate lawsuit challenging the federal government's responsibility to protect life and security for future generations. 'That's a win — a huge win — and probably a much bigger win than we would have won if we simply won the judicial review,' Brown said. What the decision didn't do, however, was halt the project — or require any changes to its existing authorizations. The court accepted the government's claim that there wasn't enough evidence on record to prove harm. But as Brown pointed out, that wasn't because harm isn't happening. 'He's just saying there's no evidence here on the record for me to make a determination,' said Brown, alleging an absence of monitoring programs or data transparency from Woodfibre LNG. 'It's a catch-22,' Brown said. 'But I think what his decision did was it affirmed the law as it applied — and that's super helpful. 'So if we're right on the law, now we just need the evidence.' During an interview with IndigiNews, Tiaoutenaat wore a shirt featuring an Indigenous design of a sloth hanging from a tree. It featured the words 'Sloth Life' — which is ironic, since Tiaoutenaat is anything but slow. She's deeply involved in Sḵwx̱wú7mesh education, the shaping of the nation's child welfare laws, and — though she'd rather not have to be — opposing the Eagle Mountain-Woodfibre gas pipeline project. She tries to fit all of this in amongst caring, and being present for her family, which often means juggling a whole load of priorities. 'I think some people see me as an Elder, but I'm going to keep staying busy doing what I do for as long as I can,' she said. Tiaoutenaat expressed the stress she was feeling about an upcoming Woodfibre meeting later that afternoon, which overlapped with her family circle. She and her husband planned to tag team the meeting so she could spend time with their kids and grandkids. 'They mean everything to me,' she said. Tiaoutenaat worries about their safety, as well as her own. She sees FortisBC workers in town — who are working on pipeline construction, and living among the Sḵwx̱wú7mesh community — and wonders if they know who she is. 'I've been a loud opponent to this,' she said. 'And I know they've taken my picture.' Tiaoutenaat isn't the only one. Tracey Saxby, executive director and co-founder of My Sea to Sky said she has also witnessed pipeline workers taking her picture. 'To be fair, I'm also taking photos of what is happening at the site,' said Saxby, 'although I'm not specifically trying to capture photos of the workers themselves.' Tiaoutenaat said she worries they might be sharing her photo around. 'What if somebody meant to do me harm?' she asked. In being a vocal opponent to the project, Tiaoutenaat says she feels 'very alone.' Tiaoutenaat declined self-defence classes offered by FortisBC for Sḵwx̱wú7mesh community members, explaining that accepting would feel too much like siding with the company. Even members of Tiaoutenaat' own family who oppose the pipeline often don't speak out — she believes because they're afraid of alienating friends or family employed by the project. 'This industry has divided our community,' she said, holding back tears. 'It's hard to stand up for what's right. I know in my heart, in my mind, what I'm doing is right.' The other Sḵwx̱wú7mesh applicant in the judicial review — the 17-year-old high school student — told the judge she feels unsafe living alongside workers from the project. She works part-time at a local business and worries about her safety both at work, and when spending time outdoors around Átl'ḵa7tsem. Unlike the 650 workers on the floatel — who work in two-week sprints and are barred from visiting the town — non-local FortisBC pipeline workers and other project sub-contractors will stay in hotels and short-term rentals in town. The National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls — which released its final report in 2019 — documented connections between industrial projects and increased violence against Indigenous women, girls, and Two-Spirit people. Knowledge keepers and other expert witnesses told the inquiry that 'resource extraction projects can drive violence against Indigenous women in several ways,' the report noted, for instance because of a transient workforce, substance use, economic insecurity, rotational shift work, and workplace harassment and assault. They argued that resource extraction projects 'can lead to increased violence against Indigenous women at the hands of non-Indigenous men, as well as increased violence within Indigenous communities.' Listed in the commission's calls for justice report are several recommendations specifically for extractive and development industries. Those recommendations included that all projects undergo gender-based impact assessments that consider Indigenous women and girls' safety. Woodfibre LNG says it did do such an assessment, with early input from Sḵwx̱wú7mesh Nation. Woodfibre website states that it set up a Gender Safety Advisory Committee in 2022 to recognize the 'central importance of inclusion, economic participation, and safety of Indigenous women and 2SLGBTQIA people.' The committee — co-chaired by Woodfibre LNG President Christine Kennedy and Sḵwx̱wú7mesh Úxwumixw Elder Gwen Harry — includes Indigenous and non-Indigenous women from Sḵwx̱wú7mesh, as well as representatives from Tsleil-Waututh Nation, local service providers, and regulatory bodies. For more than 40 years, PearlSpace has served as a frontline resource for women and gender-diverse people in Skwxwú7mesh, Lil'wat and Stl'átl'imx territories, offering emergency shelter, emotional support, sexual assault response, and drop-in services for as many as 60 people a day. But in recent years, the organization has also taken on a more complicated role — as a participant on Woodfibre LNG's Gender Safety Advisory Committee, and a recipient of donations from the company. Ashley Oakes, PearlSpace's executive director, said she didn't enter that relationship lightly. 'I felt like it was my responsibility to be there,' she told IndigiNews, describing the company's years of engagement as challenging. In those days, she recalled, advocates felt they had to push the company to even acknowledge gender-based violence was a risk related to their project. 'The focus was on broad community safety,' Oakes said, 'which is just not really narrowing in enough on the real worries of the populations we serve, Skwxwú7mesh Nation, and the impacts on Indigenous women and girls.' Oakes hopes her presence at the table allows her to push directly for more safety measures through a lens of gender-based violence — both in Skwxwú7mesh, and on board the floating work camp itself. 'If no one's at the table from this side of things,' she said, 'then I worry that accountability won't necessarily be the same.' Oakes said she supports efforts from Woodfibre's to recruit more women onto the site — currently about one-third of workers on board are women — but she noted that culture doesn't change automatically with representation. 'That's where code of conduct enforcement really comes into play,' she said. PearlSpace, which started receiving community grants from Woodfibre LNG and FortisBC 'well before' Oakes joined the Gender Safety Advisory Committee, she said, emphasized her role is unpaid. 'I did say, and they agreed, that at no point would I be softening my approach with the companies,' she added, 'even if they were giving us money.' But Brown questioned the effectiveness of a company-led committee. 'I don't feel comfortable candidly talking about women's safety in a room full of Woodfibre people,' she said. Since the floatel started taking on workers, Oakes's focus has broadened — to include their well-being as well. Because non-local workers can't come into town, many of them are cut off and isolated. She raised questions about how the company is handling workplace mental health, safety, and the enforcement of its code of conduct — especially when it comes to Indigenous women and gender-diverse people on staff. She's visited the floatel once, before it docked. And after she pointed out several safety suggestions, those were since implemented, she said. Asked about how many reports of bullying, harassment or violence the committee has received, Oakes replied by email that the committee does receive regular reports — but referred further questions to Woodfibre LNG, citing confidentiality. She added that, to her knowledge, no one accessing PearlSpace's services has yet disclosed a violent event related to the project. In an email, Woodfibre told IndigiNews there have been two incidents of harassment and bullying reported on the floatel. 'In both cases,' the company spokesperson wrote, 'the individuals involved were employees of project contractors and were immediately removed from site and have been permanently banned from working on the project.' Woodfibre LNG stated that more than 4,800 people have completed 'gender and cultural safety programs' as part of their mandatory site orientation. 'This training is a foundational element of our approach,' the company said, 'designed to ensure every person on site understands our shared values and behavioral expectations.' Brown believes that the low figure of harassment and violence documented so far could be due to underreporting, because women are often afraid to complain about bullying or harassment, for fear of repercussions. When complaints aren't surfacing, said Brown, that may not mean there's nothing to report. Instead, it could equally mean the reporting systems themselves aren't working. 'And if the public doesn't have access to reports or data, there's no accountability,' she said. For Brown, violence against women is a clear human rights issue — one that governments and regulators must take responsibility for addressing. 'Without accountability, those responsibilities are effectively meaningless,' Brown argued. 'They're not accountable to the community, to Skwxwú7mesh Nation, or to the government — they're accountable to their shareholders.' On May 1, Woodfibre announced it is seeking to place a second floatel at the worksite, accommodating 900 more tradespeople. Its proposal is currently under consideration by the District of Squamish for a temporary use permit, which is scheduled to be heard by municipal councillors on July 29. And the province opened public consultations on the proposal earlier this month, with public comment allowed until Aug. 2. 'I just feel helpless.' Tiaoutenaat sat, casting a troubled glance towards the Woodfibre plant, just across the water. 'They disregard human life, disregard the environment.' Woodfibre hopes that adding a second floatel will accelerate construction. 'If we can have more workers on site, working parallel on different levels of construction, we're going to be able to finish the project as quickly as we can,' said Woodfibre spokesperson Sean Beardow at a July 2 public hearing. As the District of Squamish prepares to make its decision, Tiaoutenaat and the group My Sea to Sky are raising concerns about the proposed location of a second floatel — directly below a dam — and what they allege are safety risks to workers housed there. In a letter obtained by IndigiNews, Graham Parkinson — a senior geoscientist at Klohn Crippen Berger engineering consulting firm — warned of the danger posed by a potential dam breach. The Henriette Lake Dam, owned by Woodfibre LNG, sits above the proposed floatel site, in a valley that channels water directly to where the vessel would be moored. Parkinson has responded to two dam-breach studies prepared by Northwest Hydraulic Consultants (NHC), a firm previously hired by Woodfibre LNG. However, only a one-page summary has been made public. According to Parkinson, the summary 'appears to underestimate the potential for ocean wave generation by a dam breach flood.' He said there are likely several reasons for this 'that could be confirmed if the full report was made available.' He also characterized the NHC summaries as 'overly dismissive of potential ocean wave amplitudes, given the large amount of energy that will be deposited during a dam breach/debris flow event.' Such a failure of the dam could, for instance, be triggered by an earthquake. According to an Oct. 12, 2023 letter released by My Sea to Sky, the province's Dam Safety Section wrote that Woodfibre LNG reevaluated the chances of the dam failing — with the likelihood deemed 'moderate,' but the consequence 'extreme.' Yet Woodfibre's summary of the NHC studies still state that 'a breach of Henriette Dam would not result in any significant wave activity within Howe Sound.' In Saxby's view, the company's response doesn't reflect the severity of the risk. 'While Woodfibre LNG has now been operating without a [municipal] permit for over a year with a clear disregard for the safety of its workers,' wrote Saxby in an email to the District of Squamish. 'the company is now planning to double the number of workers housed below Henriette Lake Dam from 650 to 1,300 workers.' Saxby cited a deadly landslide in Lions Bay that killed two people earlier this year; the incident is being investigated to determine whether a dam located above the debris flow could have caused the tragedy. Neighbours of the deceased sued the owner of that dam. As Tiaoutenaat sees it, the land and waters underneath the floatel, the LNG plant, and the gas pipeline belong first to the wildlife that have depended on them since time immemorial — despite decades of polluting industries. 'All the sea lions, the herring, the whales,' said Tiaoutenaat, 'they're only just starting to come back.' Tiaoutenaat wonders what Sḵwx̱wú7mesh will be like in 10 years. Fears about climate change — and how another fossil fuel project could accelerate it — weighs heavily on her. 'I'm angry because I feel like we're contributing to that,' she said. 'I feel responsible, and I shouldn't have to carry that.' But she says one thing she won't do is give up. Error! 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New York Times
24-07-2025
- New York Times
The Hockey Canada trial could have been a reckoning. It was something else
LONDON, Ont. — On Day 13 of the Hockey Canada sexual assault trial, in the Ontario Court of Justice, defense attorney Daniel Brown stood at a lectern cross-examining the 27-year-old woman at the center of the allegations against five former pro hockey players. 'You have this alter ego. We'll call her 'Fun E.M,'' Brown said. 'You feel like you can't be fun without the alcohol.' Advertisement As he suggested that a 'metamorphosis takes place' when she drank, Brown taunted her, using her real name — not 'E.M.' as she must be called here, to protect her identity: 'Fun E.M. needs more alcohol. … Fun E.M. dances freely. … Fun E.M. is outgoing. … Fun E.M. acts on her impulses. … Sober E.M. wouldn't have chosen to cheat on her boyfriend. Right?' During a pause in this intense back-and-forth, Justice Maria Carroccia interjected: 'I've been advised that there is a street party outside on Dundas Street. I think it might get loud.' The London Knights — the Ontario Hockey League's top team — had a playoff game later that evening, and the brick road between the Ontario Court of Justice and the Canada Life Place, where the major junior team plays, was closed as fans reveled in advance of the big game. The bass from loud music below buzzed the courtroom wall. A short time later, court was dismissed early … on account of the raucous hockey party outside. If there was a moment that encapsulated the Hockey Canada trial, this was it. The most high-profile legal battle in the sport's history was muted by a celebration of a junior hockey team. On Thursday, Carroccia acquitted all five players — Michael McLeod, Dillon Dubé, Alex Formenton, Cal Foote, and Carter Hart — on sexual assault charges, stating that she did not find the victim's claims 'credible or reliable.' It ended an eight-week trial and a seven-year saga that began one night in London between a 20-year-old woman and members of the 2018 Canadian World Junior Hockey team. In an austere, wood-paneled courtroom, the five players were on trial and, to some degree, so too was the woman. But the case has always been viewed more broadly. After the allegations emerged three years ago via news of a settlement quietly paid by Hockey Canada, it highlighted how the sport and its leaders have long been unable or unwilling to create accountability. The lurid accusations against the Hockey Canada 5 echoed decades of similar incidents, and the case became a stand-in for other allegations that were minimized or ignored. Advertisement The sport faced scrutiny and shame, including Parliamentary hearings and lectures from, among others, then-Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, but would anything truly change? The Hockey Canada case — involving Canada's gold medalists turned professional players — would be the test of it, the chance to send a resounding message about the sport's direction. And that message was sent. It was just not the one many expected. From the glass elevator within the Delta Armouries hotel, you can look out over London and, within one panorama, see all the key locales featured in the case: the concrete court of justice that neighbors Canada Life Place, the Knights' 10,000-seat home arena; and beyond a large public park and a gothic cathedral, Jack's bar, where the woman and the players first connected. London is the largest city in southwestern Ontario, home to close to 450,000 people. It is the central commercial hub for the rural communities that stretch to the shores of Lake Erie to the south and Lake Huron to the northwest. It is home to more than 80,000 university and college students. But more than anything, London is a hockey town — home to the Knights, a team that boasts the highest attendance in major junior hockey and has had more players drafted to the NHL than any other team. The Knights would win their third national championship in June, with thousands of fans flocking to celebrate in the street between the court and the arena, littered with green and gold confetti. This was the backdrop in which a 20-year-old woman met members of the 2018 Canadian World Junior team at Jack's on dollar-beer night seven years ago. After a consensual encounter with one of those players, she claimed to have been assaulted by several members of the national team in room 209 of the Armouries hotel. Advertisement Though London police closed an initial investigation without charges, an out-of-court settlement for an undisclosed amount was reached between the alleged victim and Hockey Canada five years later. That settlement was supposed to have been the end of it. But news broke of the allegations and the payout, creating a firestorm of media attention and public outcry. Canada's national pastime became a national crisis. Trudeau criticized Hockey Canada's handling of the incident. Politicians demanded mass resignations. Amid that scrutiny, the London Police Service reopened its investigation. The five players were charged with sexual assault in late January 2024 and were granted indefinite leaves of absence from their pro teams. There was wide speculation that none of them would play in the NHL again. Before those charges were brought, E.M. and her mother sat on the second floor of 254 Pall Mall St. in downtown London and were presented with the opportunity to end the case. Meaghan Cunningham, a veteran Ottawa-based prosecutor who chairs the Sexual Assault Advisory Group within the Crown's criminal division, was there. So was Heather Donkers, an assistant crown attorney, just a few years older than E.M. As a university student, she was a victim of sexual assault. She went through a lengthy police investigation and testified in court. That experience, which ended in a guilty verdict, led her to a career in criminal justice. Karen Bellehumeur, a former Crown attorney who specializes in representing victims of sexual violence, sat beside them. They believed E.M. and wanted to prosecute the players, Cunningham said, but if E.M. was hoping to see them convicted, they warned her to think hard about moving forward. Her life would be picked apart. Media coverage would be intense. Public discourse would be cruel. Advertisement Despite that reality, some victims want to be heard. They want to be seen. They want to fight back. In a six-page document outlining the 68-minute meeting, two sentences offer the only glimpse into E.M's thoughts: No questions, the notes state. EM wants to proceed. It was a circus almost from the start. During a three-hour stretch early in the trial, one courtroom attendee would be arrested on suspicion of secretly recording proceedings with his smart glasses; another attendee would be banished from the building for exploding at a reporter and blaming him for 'ruining those boys' lives.' Later, a police officer would intercept a man for trying to find E.M. in the courthouse while she testified remotely. A local newspaper accidentally breached a publication ban and published materials that revealed E.M.'s identity. There were also multiple delays caused by a malfunctioning HVAC system that made the heat in the courtroom almost unbearable, and there were near-constant IT issues that slowed or stopped the proceedings. Even the clock in the 13th-floor courtroom didn't work, ticking four hours ahead. On top of all that, two juries were dismissed. Shortly after Crown attorney Heather Donkers' opening statement, one juror claimed that, while standing in the same line at a nearby market over lunch, defense attorney Hilary Dudding noted all the 'head-nodding' that had occurred that morning. Dudding denied the allegation when it was discussed in court, but the defense lawyers agreed that the jury of 11 women and three men had to be dismissed. Carroccia declared a mistrial. Then, on May 22, after E.M. finished nine grueling days on the stand, a juror handed Carroccia a note: 'Multiple jury members feel we are being judged and made fun of by (defense) lawyers (Daniel) Brown and Hilary Dudding. Every day when we enter the courtroom they observe us, whisper to each other and turn to each other and laugh as if they are discussing our appearance. This is unprofessional and unacceptable.' Advertisement In both instances, the Crown fought to preserve the jury, asking that intermediate measures be applied to remedy the situation, but the defense argued vehemently that even the optics of impropriety were too problematic and it would be impossible for their clients to receive a fair trial. Carroccia agreed with the defense. The second jury was dismissed. E.M. sat alone in a sterile gray office 10 floors below the courtroom, at a desk that held a glass of water and a box of tissues, throughout a withering cross-examination by five teams of defense attorneys. 'I'm going to suggest that part of what made Mr. McLeod attractive to you is that he was an elite hockey player and that he was loaded,' said David Humphrey, McLeod's lawyer. 'One of your coping mechanisms may have actually been offering things and asking to have sex with these men,' Megan Savard, Hart's lawyer, suggested. 'As long as it's a tall guy, you'll go home with him?' Daniel Brown asked, rhetorically. 'You refer to these individuals as man and men over and over, and you not once, not one single time, refer to them as boy or boys,' said Julianna Greenspan, Foote's attorney, arguing that E.M. had a 'clear agenda' in doing so. 'In your head you wanted to be the focus of the room,' said Lisa Carnelos, Dubé's lawyer, 'But these boys were having fun amongst themselves separate and apart from your existence.' Early in those cross-examinations, E.M. was apologetic and compliant. But as the days passed, she grew agitated and combative. By the end, she was self-assured. At one point, Brown questioned why she didn't disclose what had happened when she spoke with a friend the next morning. 'I was really embarrassed,' she testified. 'I felt so much shame. I was just messaging her as if nothing was wrong. I was coping.' Brown saw an opening. Advertisement 'Shame and embarrassment at the choices you made,' he said, and then: 'Thank you, your honor …' 'No, I'd like to finish,' E.M. interrupted. 'I made the choice to dance with him and drink at the bar. I did not make the choice to have them do what they did back at the hotel.' It is impossible to know how a jury would have viewed E.M.'s many hours of testimony. But Carroccia, on Thursday, said: 'I conclude that I cannot rely on (her testimony).' We all need to say the same thing if we get interviewed, McLeod texted on June 26, 2018, in a group chat with his teammates who were in room 209, can't have different stories or make anything up. They debated organizing a phone call or a group chat on SnapChat. Jake Bean, one of the players in the room, reminded everyone that McLeod took two videos that night in which he pressed E.M. to say she consented after sexual acts had occurred. Ok ya f— boys we are fine the boys who did things got consent so just tell them that and it's fine, Dubé responded. Brett Howden agreed. All we have to say is 'someone brought the girl back to the room. We were all in there ordering food and then this girl started begging from everyone to have sex with her,' he wrote. Nobody would do it. But then as time went on she gave three guys head. Once things started to get out of hand we all left and got her out. Yeah or no? Howden asked. Sounds good to me, Maxime Comtois responded. In another exchange, the players strategized how to deal with the investigation. Howden, for one, expressed anger that the woman's claims had caused them such embarrassment. If anything we should put an allegation on her, he wrote. Carroccia rejected the Crown's premise that players were attempting to get their stories straight. During the trial, the Crown called Howden, Taylor Raddysh, Boris Katchouk and Tyler Steenbergen as witnesses. Teammates testifying against teammates. Advertisement 'Sitting here today, I don't remember exactly what interactions I had,' Raddysh testified of that night. Katchouk was asked what happened at Jack's bar that night. 'I can't remember.' It was his birthday. He was pretty drunk, he said. Did he have any memory of receiving the group text message from McLeod that night inviting his teammates to join in a three-way? 'I don't recall.' Steenbergen didn't recall that text message from McLeod either. But he remembered that he made it to the room, looking for food, and that everyone was in 'shock' over E.M.'s request for sex acts. Donkers asked who was standing around the bed when Foote straddled E.M. 'I don't remember.' Was he clothed? 'He came in with them on, and I couldn't see afterward.' Howden, who vividly described E.M being slapped on the buttocks 'so hard it looked like it hurt so bad' in a text to Raddysh a week after the incident, had no memory of it while on the stand. Did he remember where in the room it happened? 'No, I don't. … I don't remember seeing it.' Does he remember if she was clothed or unclothed? 'No, I don't.' Does he remember what she was doing in the moment she was spanked? 'No, I don't.' Did he remember how he felt when it happened? 'I don't remember how I felt. I don't have a memory of that.' Howden's recollection was so poor that Cunningham accused him of feigning memory loss to protect his former teammates. The defense jumped in, bringing up the multiple head injuries Howden has suffered in his hockey career as a plausible reason why he wouldn't be able to even recall the text message he sent describing Dubé slapping E.M.'s buttocks. Hart was the only defendant to take the stand. He remembered much: E.M. asking for sex, receiving oral sex from her, E.M. leading Formenton to the bathroom, holding his hand. He recalled her offering more sex, in various ways. He remembered that E.M. laughed when Foote straddled her in the splits, with his pants on. Advertisement Was there physical contact between them? 'No, there was not. … I was standing right beside them.' Hart was also certain he did not see Dubé slap her naked buttocks or hear the woman cry. Was it possible he forgot? 'No. I wouldn't have stayed in the room.' By his own account, Hart could only recall about half of what happened while he was in the room, but what he remembered featured no wrongdoing. Later, Hart acknowledged his memory loss. 'Yes, I do have gaps,' to which the Crown attorney remarked that he spent more time in that room doing things for which he had no memory than doing things for which he had a memory. Did Hart agree with that assessment? 'I'm really not sure.' Carroccia, in her analysis, considered these memory lapses to be the understandable result of the influence of alcohol and time passing. Even before the verdict came, hockey teased the final message the scandal would deliver. In early May, as the trial entered its fourth week, Joel Quenneville was hired as head coach of the Anaheim Ducks, after a four-year exile from the league for his part in covering up the sexual abuse of one of his former players by a member of his coaching staff with the Chicago Blackhawks. A few days later, two-time Stanley Cup champion and Olympic gold medalist Adam Foote was named head coach of the Vancouver Canucks. At the news conference introducing Foote, he declined to discuss what was happening in the London courthouse where his son sat charged with sexual assault. Carroccia's verdict was not needed for the discourse to turn to the pros and cons of signing one of the Hockey Canada 5, presuming the NHL reinstates them. Those musings swirled mostly on social media until former goalie and current NHL Network analyst Kevin Weekes mused on TSN's 'Free Agency Frenzy' special whether Carter Hart might be a fit in goal for the Edmonton Oilers. Popular blogs and podcasts soon followed with similar speculation. Carroccia's complete exoneration of the players clears the path for teams to add them. It will only be a matter of time. Advertisement In the final accounting, the most tangible change resulting from the scandal is that Hockey Canada no longer has a slush fund to quietly pay off victims. Yes, some sponsors left, but several — like Tim Hortons, Telus, and Bauer — have already returned. Others, undoubtedly, will follow. There will be Hockey Canada galas in the years ahead to fete young heroes, just with no open bar, per new alcohol policies. As for the message sent… The players and the sport were the victims. And now the game is free to move on. (Illustration: Dan Goldfarb / The Athletic; Andy Devlin, Peter Power / AFP / Getty Images; Geoff Robins / The Canadian Press / AP Photo; iStock)
Yahoo
24-07-2025
- Yahoo
3 men arrested for posing as Amazon delivery drivers to ransack home: Police
Three men were arrested after posing as Amazon delivery drivers in order to gain entry and ransack a home in Florida, according to the North Port Police Department. The three suspects -- Robert St. Germain, Anton Bradley Brown and Adlet Javon Francis -- are now in custody after being involved in a "targeted armed home invasion" that occurred in May, police announced on Wednesday. Back on May 23 at approximately 1:30 p.m., officers responded to a report of an armed robbery at a residence in North Port, Florida, police said. The investigation revealed that three males "posed as Amazon delivery drivers to lure a young female resident to the door," officials said. When the female opened the door, the men -- who were all armed -- "forced their way inside," stole cash and "ransacked the residence in search of additional valuables," police said. The suspects also "held the daughter and mother inside the home while waiting for the father to return," police said. Once the father returned home at approximately 5 p.m., he "noticed the front door was locked and attempted to enter through the back," officials said. The father was confronted by one of the suspects and a "brief struggle ensued," police said. MORE: Man arrested for allegedly posing as US Marshal during attempted robbery, police say The suspects eventually fled the scene, police said. One of the suspects later found an unoccupied Ford F-150 with the keys inside, stole the truck and "fled the area," police said. The vehicle was recovered later that weekend in a shopping center, police said. After the robbery at the home, crime scene technicians "processed the primary scene and surrounding areas" and recovered evidence like items "believed to have been left by the suspects," police said. Officials believe the robbery was a targeted incident and not a "random act of violence," since the suspects were known to one of the victims. MORE: Robbers posing as cops hold up NYC deli, remain at large: Police Francis was arrested on July 12 on "unrelated charges" and Germain and Brown were arrested on Tuesday, police told ABC News. Their charges include conspiracy to commit home invasion, home invasion, robbery, kidnapping and use of a two-way device to commit a felony, police said. Brown also faces a charge of grand theft auto, police said. Germain is currently being held at the the Indian River County Jail, Brown is held at the Broward County Jail and Francis remains at the Orange County Jail, police told ABC News. North Port Police Chief Todd Garrison said the case "demonstrates the relentless commitment of our detectives." "Their tireless work has been instrumental in advancing this investigation and brining those responsible to justice," Garrison said in a statement. It remains unclear whether the suspects have attorneys who can speak on their behalf.
