Latest news with #Brown
USA Today
25 minutes ago
- Sport
- USA Today
Wisconsin basketball offers four-star in-state class of 2027 small forward
Wisconsin basketball extended an offer to four-star class of 2027 small forward Jack Kohnen following its advanced Camp on Thursday. Kohnen, a 6-foot-5, 170-pound forward, is one of three class of 2027 recruits to earn an offer from Wisconsin following its annual camp at the Kohl Center on Thursday, joining wing Deuce McDuffie and combo guard Jalen Brown. 247Sports composite ranking considers the Slinger, Wisconsin, native as the No. 94 overall recruit, No. 25 small forward and No. 4 player from his home state of Wisconsin in the class of 2027. It lists him as a four-star prospect. On3, meanwhile, lists the rising junior as a three-star recruit, with an opportunity to bolster his profile as he adds mileage to his basketball career. Like Brown, who has pocketed several offers despite being a rising junior, Kohnen already owns collegiate offers from Iowa, Iowa State, Marquette and Western Illinois, in addition to his newest opportunity from UW. As a sophomore at Slinger High School, Kohnen spearheaded the Owls' offense with 23.1 points, 12.1 rebounds, 4.3 assists, 1.5 steals and 1.6 blocks off 54.5% shooting from the field and 34.6% from 3 per appearance. Against Oconomowoc on Jan. 25, Kohnen registered 24 points, a season-best 22 rebounds, four steals and four blocks in a 27-point win. He finished with at least 25 points in 14 games as a sophomore, showcasing his two-way ability for his size. The Badgers' proximity to Kohnen's hometown, especially compared to that of the Hawkeyes or Cyclones, may become a separator as he continues to step toward his collegiate career. As of June 27, only four-star small forward Donovan Davis, four-star shooting guard Dooney Johnson and four-star Brown possess higher in-state rankings. Contact/Follow @TheBadgersWire on X (formerly Twitter) and like our page on Facebook to follow ongoing coverage of Wisconsin Badgers news, notes and opinion
New York Post
9 hours ago
- Politics
- New York Post
Gun rights groups slams Senate parliamentarian's ruling on silencer deregulation: ‘Total garbage'
Gun rights groups fumed Friday after the Senate parliamentarian ruled that a provision deregulating firearm silencers cannot be included in President Trump's One Big Beautiful Bill Act. Republican lawmakers sought to eliminate a $200 federal excise tax on silencers and remove them from registration requirements under the National Firearms Act, but the parliamentarian, Elizabeth MacDonough, determined the measure did not comply with the Senate's Byrd Rule, which prevents the inclusion of measures deemed 'extraneous' to the budget process in reconciliation bills. 'The Parliamentarian's ruling is total garbage,' Dudley Brown, president of the National Association for Gun Rights, said in a statement. 'The [National Firearms Act] is explicitly a tax law. This partisan ruling is just another excuse to protect the unconstitutional tax-and-register regime of the NFA.' Republicans sought to eliminate a $200 tax on silencers and remove the device from the National Firearms Act. AFP/Getty Images Provisions that don't directly affect spending or revenue, as interpreted by the parliamentarian, violate the Byrd Rule. Brown urged senators to bypass the parliamentarian and include the silencer provision in the bill anyway. 'Any so-called 'advisor' who can't see that a tax repeal is a budget item has no business telling Senators how to vote,' Brown said. 'GOP leadership has one option: ignore the parliamentarian and override this nonsense. Anything less is surrender.' Senate Majority Leader John Thune (R-SD) has indicated in the past that he's unlikely to ignore the parliamentarian rulings. Therefore, the provision, if not rewritten to comply with the Byrd Rule, would need 60 votes to make it out of the Senate, rather than a simple majority. The National Rifle Association also slammed the parliamentarian, noting that she was appointed by the late Democratic Nevada Sen. Harry Reid. 'We strongly disagree with the Harry Reid-appointed Parliamentarian's ruling that removing suppressors, short-barreled rifles, short-barreled shotguns, and other arms from the punitive NFA tax regime falls outside the scope of reconciliation,' the NRA said in a statement. 'Nevertheless, we remain committed to working with our allies on Capitol Hill to end the unjust tax burden on these constitutionally-protected arms.' Gun rights groups fumed over the Senate referee's ruling on silencer deregulation in Trump's 'big, beautiful' bill. AP Brown further argued that the Trump-backed bill is the 'biggest chance' gun rights advocates have had in decades to 'start tearing down the NFA.' 'It's not over yet,' he said. 'We expect pro-gun Senators to fight like hell, not cower and run for cover behind bureaucratic opinions.'
Scoop
9 hours ago
- Health
- Scoop
New Digital Platform To Help Women Detect Breast Cancer Earlier
Minister of Health Around 135,000 women across New Zealand who are eligible but not currently enrolled for breast cancer screening will benefit from the successful national rollout of a new digital platform, Health Minister Simeon Brown says. 'The launch of Te Puna across the country is a major step forward for delivering faster and smarter screening services,' Mr Brown says. 'Te Puna replaces an outdated legacy system with a modern, streamlined platform that makes it easier for women to enrol, book, and manage their breast screening appointments – helping more women get screened earlier.' The new system, which began rolling out in February, is now live nationwide. It introduces a more proactive approach to screening, with women now automatically identified when they become eligible and invited to book a mammogram – shifting from an opt-in to an opt-out model. 'This change will significantly boost participation and help close the gap for the 135,000 eligible women who aren't currently getting screened. 'Early detection through regular mammograms is critical. Women diagnosed through screening are about 34 per cent less likely to die from breast cancer. This new system will make it easier for more women to get the checks they need, when they need them.' Te Puna significantly enhances data tracking, accuracy, and reporting – helping providers identify and reach women who have never screened or don't screen regularly. It also improves convenience for patients, allowing women to book or change appointments using a secure personalised link or QR code sent via text, email, or letter. 'This Government is focused on lifting screening rates to save more lives and improve treatment outcomes. Te Puna will play a vital role in achieving that. 'We're also delivering on our commitment to extend breast screening to women aged 70 to 74, with rollout of the expansion beginning later this year. 'Every woman deserves the chance for early detection and timely treatment. Te Puna is about putting the right tools in place to deliver better care, faster – and ultimately, to save lives,' Mr Brown says.
Atlantic
12 hours ago
- Politics
- Atlantic
The Tea Party Is Back (Maybe)
This is an edition of The Atlantic Daily, a newsletter that guides you through the biggest stories of the day, helps you discover new ideas, and recommends the best in culture. Sign up for it here. Signs were all around, but the clinching evidence that the Tea Party is back came this week in New Hampshire, where the Republican Scott Brown announced that he'd be running for U.S. Senate. Fifteen years ago, in January 2010, Brown, a state senator in Massachusetts, defeated the Democrat Martha Coakley in a special election to fill the Senate seat vacated by the late liberal icon Ted Kennedy. Brown's victory was a landmark for conservative opposition to Barack Obama's administration, and in particular to his attempt to overhaul health insurance. Protests in the streets and angry crowds at legislators' town-hall meetings had given a taste of the brewing voter anger, but Democratic leaders dismissed demonstrators as rabble-rousers or astroturfers. Brown's victory in deep-blue Massachusetts proved that the Tea Party was a real force in politics. Brown turned out to be somewhat moderate—he was, after all, representing the Bay State—and his time in the Senate was short because Elizabeth Warren defeated him in 2012. But in the midterm elections months after his win, a big group of fiscally conservative politicians were elected to Congress as anti-establishment critics of the go-along-to-get-along GOP, which they felt wasn't doing enough to stand up to Obama. Led by Tea Party activists and elected officials, Republicans managed to narrow but not stop the Affordable Care Act, which Obama signed in March 2010; they briefly but only fleetingly reduced federal spending and budget deficits. By 2016, the Tea Party was a spent force. Its anti-establishment energy became the basis for Donald Trump's political movement, with which it shared a strong element of racial backlash. Trump provided the pugilistic approach that many Republican voters had demanded, but without any of the commitment to fiscal discipline: He pledged to protect Medicare and Social Security, and in his first term hugely expanded the deficit. But now there's a revival of Tea Party ideas in Washington, driven by some of the same elected officials. Trump's One Big Beautiful Bill Act follows the long-running Republican principle of reducing taxes, especially on the wealthy, but it doesn't even pretend to cut spending commensurate with the reductions in revenue those tax cuts would produce. This is standard for Republican presidents: Ronald Reagan, George H. W. Bush, George W. Bush, and Trump all ran for office railing against deficits, and then increased them while in office. They were eager to lower taxes, but not to make the politically unpopular choices necessary to actually reduce federal spending. In theory, at least, the Tea Party represented a more purist approach that insisted on cutting budgets, even if that meant taking on politically dangerous tasks such as slashing entitlements. (Republicans could also produce a more balanced budget by increasing revenue through taxes, but they refuse to seriously consider that.) Some of the Tea Party OGs are striking the same tones today. Senator Rand Paul of Kentucky, elected in the 2010 wave, has emerged as the foremost Republican critic of the GOP bill. 'The math doesn't really add up,' he said on Face the Nation earlier this month. Trump called Paul's ideas 'crazy' and, according to Paul, briefly uninvited him from an annual congressional picnic at the White House. Senator Ron Johnson of Wisconsin, another member of the class of 2010, has also demanded more spending cuts and described the bill's approach as ' completely unsustainable.' 'I'm saying things that people know need to be said,' he told The Wall Street Journal. 'The kid who just exposed that the king is butt-naked may not be real popular, because he kind of made everybody else look like fools, but they all recognize he was right.' (The White House has lately been working to court Johnson.) Standing alongside these senators are representatives such as Andy Harris of Maryland, who was elected in 2010; Paul's fellow Kentuckian (and fellow Trump target) Thomas Massie, who arrived in the House in 2012; and Chip Roy, a Texan who first came to Washington in 2013 as chief of staff for Tea Party–aligned Senator Ted Cruz. Staring them down is Speaker Mike Johnson. Like Paul Ryan, who was a role model for many Tea Partiers but clashed with the hard right once he became speaker of the House, Johnson has frustrated former comrades by backing off his former fiscal conservatism in the name of passing legislation. As my colleague Jonathan Chait has written, this has led Johnson and his allies to brazenly lie about what the bill would do. The neo–Tea Partiers are not the only challenge for the One Big Beautiful Bill Act. More mainstream and moderate GOP members are skittish about a bill that is deeply unpopular and will cut services that their constituents favor or depend on. Nor is fiscal conservatism the only revival of Tea Party rhetoric. Zohran Mamdani's victory in the New York City Democratic mayoral primary has elicited a new burst of bigotry, sometimes from the same exact people. Meanwhile, Democrats are experiencing their own echoes of 2010, as voters demand more from elected officials, and anti-establishment candidates such as Mamdani win. The 2025 Tea Party wave faces difficulties the first wave didn't. Rather than being able to organize Republicans against a Democratic president, Paul, Johnson, and company are opposing a Republican president who is deeply popular with members of Congress and primary voters. Roy threatened to vote against the bill in the House but then backed down. Now he says he might vote against the Senate bill when the two are reconciled. 'Chip Roy says he means it this time,' snickered Politico this week, noting that he and his allies have 'drawn and re-drawn their fiscal red lines several times over now.' Then again, how better to honor their predecessors than to back down from a demand for real fiscal discipline? President Donald Trump said that he had cut off trade negotiations with Canada because of Canada's tax on tech companies that would also affect those based in America. The Supreme Court limited federal courts' ability to implement nationwide injunctions in a decision that left unclear the fate of Trump's executive order restricting birthright citizenship. The Supreme Court ruled that parents can withdraw their children from public-school classes on days that storybooks with LGBTQ themes are discussed if they have religious objections. Dispatches Atlantic Intelligence: Damon Beres interviews Rose Horowitch about her latest story on why the computer-science bubble is bursting. The Books Briefing: As a writer and an editor, Toni Morrison put humanity plainly on the page, where it would outlast her and her critics alike, Boris Kachka writes. Evening Read The Three Marine Brothers Who Feel 'Betrayed' by America By Xochitl Gonzalez The four men in jeans and tactical vests labeled Police: U.S. Border Patrol had Narciso Barranco surrounded. Their masks and hats concealed their faces, so that only their eyes were visible. When they'd approached him, he was doing landscape work outside of an IHOP in Santa Ana, California. Frightened, Barranco attempted to run away. By the time a bystander started filming, the agents had caught him and pinned him, face down, on the road. One crouches and begins to pummel him, repeatedly, in the head. You can hear Barranco moaning in pain. Eventually, the masked men drag him to his feet and try to shove him into an SUV. When Barranco resists, one agent takes a rod and wedges it under his neck, attempting to steer him into the vehicle as if prodding livestock. Barranco is the father of three sons, all of them United States Marines. The eldest brother is a veteran, and the younger men are on active duty. At any moment, the same president who sent an emboldened ICE after their father could also command them into battle. More From The Atlantic Culture Break Coming soon. A new season of the Autocracy in America podcast, hosted by Garry Kasparov, a former world chess champion and democracy activist. Watch (or skip). Squid Game 's final season (out now on Netflix) is a reminder of what the show did so well, in the wrong ways, Shirley Li writes. Play our daily crossword. P.S. Tuesday was a red-letter day for blue language in the Gray Lady. The New York Times is famously shy about four-letter words; the journalist Blake Eskin noted in 2022 that the paper had published three separate articles about the satirical children's book Go the Fuck to Sleep, all without ever printing the actual name of the book. An article about Emil Bove III, which I wrote about yesterday, was tricky for the Times: The notable thing about the story was the language allegedly used. In its second paragraph, the Times used one of its standard circumlocutions: 'In Mr. Reuveni's telling, Mr. Bove discussed disregarding court orders, adding an expletive for emphasis.' It printed the word itself in the 16th paragraph, perhaps because any children reading would have gotten bored and moved on by then. The same day, the Times reported, unexpurgated, on Trump's anger at Iran and Israel: 'We basically have two countries that have been fighting so long and so hard that they don't know what the fuck they're doing,' the president told reporters. I was curious about the discussions behind these choices. In a suitably Times -y email, the newspaper spokesperson Danielle Rhoades Ha told me: 'Editors decided it was newsworthy that the president of the United States used a curse word to make a point on one of the biggest issues of the day, and did so in openly showing frustration with an ally as well as an adversary.' It's another Trumpian innovation: expanding the definition of news fit to print.
Newsweek
14 hours ago
- Politics
- Newsweek
Republicans' Chances of Flipping New Hampshire's Democratic Senate Seat
Based on facts, either observed and verified firsthand by the reporter, or reported and verified from knowledgeable sources. Newsweek AI is in beta. Translations may contain inaccuracies—please refer to the original content. Democratic Congressman Chris Pappas is viewed more favorably than former Senator Scott Brown, a Republican, among New Hampshire voters ahead of the state's 2026 Senate election, according to a new poll released this week. Newsweek reached out to the Brown and Pappas campaigns for comment via email. Why It Matters Brown, a former Massachusetts senator, announced he is running for Senate in New Hampshire this week in what Republicans are hoping to make a competitive race. New Hampshire has generally tilted toward Democrats in recent federal elections, though Republicans have performed well in gubernatorial races. Still, former Vice President Kamala Harris won the Granite State by fewer than 3 percentage points in 2024—an indicator of how competitive it could still be for Republicans. Historically, the party in the White House loses seats in their midterms, so Democrats are optimistic about what the national environment will be next November. Republican incumbents are finding themselves on the defense in states like Maine and North Carolina, and Democrats are hoping to expand the map to more solidly conservative territory to flip the majority. What to Know A poll conducted by the University of New Hampshire revealed how New Hampshire voters feel about leading candidates, Pappas and Brown. Although the primary is months away and more candidates could enter the race, at this point, they are the only prominent politicians to make a run for the Senate in their respective parties. The poll found that voters are split in how they view Pappas, who has represented New Hampshire's First Congressional District since 2019. Thirty-six percent of respondents each said they view him favorably and unfavorably, while 17 percent are neutral about him. Brown, meanwhile, is viewed more unfavorably, according to the poll. Former Senator Scott Brown speaks in Portsmouth, New Hampshire on April 10, 2014. Former Senator Scott Brown speaks in Portsmouth, New Hampshire on April 10, 2014. Rick Friedman/Corbis via Getty Images Thirty-eight percent said they viewed him unfavorably, while 12 percent viewed him favorably and 19 percent were neutral about him, according to the poll. The poll surveyed 1,320 New Hampshire residents from June 19 to June 23, 2025, and had a margin of error of plus or minus 2.7 percentage points. While it measured favorability, it did not include a head-to-head polling question for the Senate race. No head-to-heads have been conducted between Brown and Pappas so far. Brown has been viewed as a solid recruit for Republicans after former Governor Chris Sununu, who enjoyed positive approvals during his tenure, declined to run. Brown served as a senator representing Massachusetts from 2010 to 2013 after the death of Senator Ted Kennedy. He lost to Democratic Senator Elizabeth Warren in 2012. In 2014, he ran in the New Hampshire Senate race but lost to Shaheen. Meanwhile, incumbent Democratic Senator Jeanne Shaheen also decided to retire at the end of her term, leaving an open contest. Former President Joe Biden won New Hampshire by a larger margin than Harris in 2020, carrying the state by about seven percentage points. It backed former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton over Trump by less than half a percentage point in 2016. Republicans last won a New Hampshire Senate race in 2010, when now-Governor Kelly Ayotte pulled off a 23-point win against former Democratic Representative Paul Hodes. Ayotte lost reelection in 2016 to Democrat Maggie Hassan, who at the time was the governor. Democrats haven't won the governorship since Hassan's tenure. What People Are Saying Nick Puglia, NRSC regional press secretary, told Newsweek: "Chris Pappas voted for the largest working-class tax hike in history, supports dangerous sanctuary city policies that protect violent illegal immigrants, and wants to force women to compete against males. Pappas' out-of-touch agenda represents the opposite of commonsense, and voters will reject him for it in 2026." The DSCC reacted to Brown's announcement in a statement this week: "After their embarrassing recruitment failure in New Hampshire, Republicans are resorting to a candidate Granite Staters have already rejected. Scott Brown is a die-hard Trump loyalist who puts Wall Street ahead of working people, supports chaotic tariffs and Medicaid cuts, and has an extreme anti-abortion agenda. Republicans have not won a Senate seat in New Hampshire in more than a decade and 2026 will be no different." Brown said in a video announcing his campaign: "NH is an amazing place to live, work and raise a family. We've been blessed by two great governors, Chris Sununu and Kelly Ayotte, but in Washington, we haven't been represented by the right people. For four years, Chris Pappas has stood with Joe Biden as he opened the border, drove up the cost of everything and made just life just simply unaffordable." What Happens Next The Cook Political Report currently classifies New Hampshire's Senate race as leaning Democratic, meaning it is "considered competitive races," but "one party has an advantage."
