
Airlines disrupted by Iran-Israel conflict - Region
Global airlines have suspended or reduced flights in the Middle East as the conflict between Israel and Iran rages after the United States bombed three Iranian nuclear enrichment sites at the weekend, and Iran retaliated hitting an American airbase in Qatar.
The United States carried out strikes against Iranian nuclear sites overnight Saturday to Sunday after over a week of deadly missile exchanges between Israel and Iran. Following that, Iran retaliated, attacking the United States by targeting the Al Udeid Air Base in Qatar, the largest US military installation in the Middle East.
Here is the latest airline situation:
Middle east airlines
Bahrain and Kuwait have reopened their airspace following brief precautionary closures earlier Monday, their state news agencies announced, as regional tensions ease slightly after Iranian strikes.
In the United Arab Emirates, Dubai Airports resumed operations, according to the Dubai Media Office. However, authorities cautioned that passengers may still experience delays or cancellations due to earlier disruptions.
Flightradar24 added that more than 10 flights earlier had to divert from the UAE.
Meanwhile, Oman Air has temporarily suspended all flights to and from Manama, Dubai and Kuwait due to escalating regional tensions, the airline announced.
In a statement, the airline said it was "monitoring the situation closely" and would resume operations once it was deemed safe.
EgyptAir also announced the cancellation of all flights between Cairo and several cities in the Gulf due to ongoing regional tensions and the closure of airspace in multiple countries.
The airline said the decision would remain in effect until the situation stabilizes.
Before the Iranian retaliation, Qatar temporarily suspended air traffic around the country, its foreign ministry said. "The competent authorities announce the temporary suspension of air traffic in the country's airspace, as part of a set of precautionary measures taken based on developments in the region," the foreign ministry said.
European airlines
British Airways cancelled flights between London's Heathrow Airport and Dubai and Doha on Sunday following the US strikes on Iran.
The airline said Monday it was scheduled to operate those routes as normal, though there were some cancellations ahead of a clutch of evening flights.
Air France halted flights to Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates until at least Tuesday inclusive, the airline said.
It also extended the suspension of the Paris-Tel Aviv route until July 14.
Flights of Air France's low-cost carrier Transavia from Paris to Beirut have been suspended until June 30 while the Tel Aviv route is closed until September 7.
Germany's Lufthansa group, whose other airlines include Swiss, Austrian and ITA, has suspended flights to the Middle East until June 30.
The Amman and Erbil, Iraq, routes were also suspended until July 11.
The group will not fly to Tel Aviv and Tehran will until July 31 and is also avoiding the air space of countries involved in the conflict.
Greece's Aegean Airlines has stopped Tel Aviv flights until July 12. Its Amman, Beirut and Erbil routes are closed until June 28.
Turkish airline Pegasus has scrapped flights to Iraq, Jordan and Lebanon until June 30, and Iran until July 30.
Flag carrier Turkish Airlines on Monday cancelled its remaining flights for the day to Bahrain, Dammam, Doha, Dubai, Kuwait, Abu Dhabi and Muscat.
No Turkish Airlines flights to Baghdad, Damascus and Tehran are available before July 1.
Finnair meanwhile confirmed it was suspending flights to Doha. The carrier is also staying out of the airspace of Iran, Iraq, Syria and Israel.
US and Canadian airlines
United Airlines has warned passengers that flights to and from Dubai scheduled between June 18 and July 3 may be affected and is offering no-fee ticket changes under certain conditions due to Middle East unrest.
The US airline has implemented the same flexibility for Tel Aviv flights between June 13 and August 1, allowing customers to rebook for other major European cities.
Air Canada has temporarily suspended its daily non-stop service from Toronto to Dubai starting June 18 and warned the suspension could be extended.
Travel via a European stopover on a partner airline remains possible, according to its website.
American Airlines is allowing customers to change their bookings to Doha without fees for travel originally scheduled between June 19 and July 20.
Asian airlines
Singapore Airlines has cancelled eight flights to Dubai -- two per day from Sunday through Wednesday.
*This story was edited by Ahram Online
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The victory of American politician Zahrān Mamdani in the Democratic primary for Mayor of New York has ignited a wide-ranging debate in the United States, with its aftershocks felt across the country. US President Donald Trump, on his platform Truth Social, described Mamdani as an 'obsessed communist,' while the New York Young Republican Club called on the federal government to strip him of his citizenship, which he obtained in 2018, and deport him from the country. Even within the Democratic Party, reactions to Mamdani's win have been divided. While some members expressed their support, others voiced concern, echoing Trump in calling him an 'extremist.' Mamdani's victory comes at a time when the Democratic Party is facing sharp internal divisions, the resignations of prominent union figures, and a struggle to cope with mounting political and economic pressures. His rise coincides with the growing activity of youth and progressive movements, such as 'Leaders We Deserve,' which are playing a pivotal role in supporting progressive candidates at local and national levels. This trend is causing increasing anxiety within the Democratic establishment, which fears losing its grip on the political landscape. A Shift in the Democratic Party Mamdani, 33, has emerged as a new voice demanding a bold socialist platform focused on the cost-of-living and rent crisis, the establishment of municipally-owned grocery stores, the provision of free buses, and increased taxes on the wealthy in New York City. His win was a surprise to political circles, not only because he ran an eight-month campaign against a traditional party icon from an established political dynasty—Andrew Cuomo, the city's former governor and son of former governor Mario Cuomo—but also because the results defied polling predictions. 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He told Asharq that Mamdani 'did not win because he adopted a far-left platform, but because he exploited an opportune political moment and ran a smart campaign.' He warned, 'If the Democratic Party focuses on Mamdani's relatable style without adopting his controversial leftist policies, it might benefit. But generalising this leftist approach could harm the party in moderate areas outside of New York.' Bennett continued that the significance of Mamdani's primary win 'lies not in his political platform, but in the way he ran his campaign.' 'Mamdani is a charismatic young man who focused on the economic issues that matter to voters and succeeded in effectively delivering his message,' he added, viewing this approach as 'a strength.' However, he considers the platform's substance, which embraces democratic socialist positions, to be 'problematic for the party in the long run.' Bennett believes the electoral context played a 'decisive role' in this victory, explaining that the election took place in New York City, one of the most liberal cities in the United States, and during June, when high temperatures reduced voter turnout. He also attributed Mamdani's win, in part, to his opponent Andrew Cuomo, saying he 'was burdened by a political legacy heavy with scandals, which made him a weak candidate against a figure presenting himself as the pure and bold alternative.' Cuomo resigned from his post in 2021 over allegations of 'sexual harassment.' Democratic Criticisms After 93% of precincts had reported, showing Mamdani with 44% of the vote, Cuomo conceded defeat. 'He earned it. He won,' Cuomo said. Mamdani was born and raised in Kampala, the capital of Uganda. At the age of seven, he moved to New York City with his father, Mahmood Mamdani, a political science professor at Columbia University, and his mother, filmmaker Mira Nair. 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His task now is to deliver on his promises. 'You can have the most ambitious agenda in the world, but you have to have the political ability to push it forward, so this will be the first real test of his political abilities to get it passed,' Awour said. The Language of the Internet Mamdani's ascent was by no means guaranteed, but with the help of tens of thousands of unpaid volunteers, he succeeded in mobilising young voters to achieve a surprise victory in the most populous city in the United States. Mamdani is fluent in the language of the internet and is constantly active on social media. He even met his wife, Syrian animator Rama Duwaji, on a dating app. His campaign relied on many online influencers who connected his campaign to New York's youth culture. Mamdani enlisted well-known figures from the worlds of music, fashion, and podcasting, which made his campaign more attractive and influential among young voters. Patillo said his appearances at cultural events and on social media shows helped him communicate his ideas in a simple and entertaining way, especially regarding the rent freeze and free transportation. On the 'Subway Takes' podcast, hosted by Kareem Rahma in the New York subway, Mamdani said he relied on donations from ordinary people and received more than $8m in individual contributions from 20,000 people—the same amount his rival Andrew Cuomo received from billionaire Michael Bloomberg. In addition to individual support, Mamdani also received backing from David Hogg, the recently departed deputy of the Democratic National Committee, who left his post after a growing dispute with Democrats over his announcement to allocate $20m of party funds to support young congressional candidates over older ones. His group, 'Leaders We Deserve,' supported the New York State Assemblyman. The New York Times reported that the group also donated $300,000 to a political action committee of the Working Families Party, which ranked Mamdani first on its list of endorsed candidates. Patillo said Mamdani's weak point will be his ability to raise funds to run against 'the millionaire and billionaire class, and the donor class.' He added that Cuomo, who has announced he will run as an independent in the November general election, 'because of his name, his organisational advantages, and his money, could still win even in this race.' But Patillo believes Mamdani's primary win sends a signal that the Democratic Party may finally be opening its doors to young leaders. 'Many prominent names in the Democratic leadership are leaving or becoming frail and unable to continue in their positions. Therefore, because they have left a power vacuum, you are seeing young voices being given the opportunity to rise,' he said. Patillo added that 'the next generation of leaders appear to be social media savvy, understand messaging, and have the energy to push their agenda.' Bennett agrees with Patillo that the Democratic Party needs young leadership. 'A young person winning against an older man always suggests that voters are looking for youth and vitality,' he said. Bennett added that Mamdani's victory suggests the party should look for candidates like him who can connect with new media in the way he used it so effectively, but he considered that 'it's not about his ideology, only his age and style.' The Centrist Wing's Position Weeks after momentum built around Zahrān Mamdani's campaign, Senator Bernie Sanders and progressive Congresswoman Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez endorsed him, but the party's centrist wing attacked him sharply. A month before the end of the New York City mayoral primary, candidate Jessica Ramos, a state senator from Queens, urged voters to cast their ballots for her rival, Andrew Cuomo. She justified this by saying she 'did not have a real chance of winning due to her poor performance in the polls and difficulty in fundraising,' and saw Cuomo as 'the most capable of confronting Trump's policies.' Ramos's position was a shock to many, especially since she had previously called for Cuomo's resignation over the harassment allegations. Ramos herself, despite being under 40, mocked Mamdani during a Democratic primary debate, saying: 'I regret not running for mayor of New York in 2021… I thought I needed more experience, but it turns out you just need to make good videos.' Ramos's opinion was similar to the reactions of the more pragmatic wing of the party, which considered Mamdani's win a 'serious setback' for the party. Lawrence Summers, former Treasury Secretary under President Barack Obama, warned of the impact of this victory on 'the future of the party and the country.' Patillo considered this a recurring pattern within the party of containing or sidelining rising progressive politicians, and Mamdani could face the same fate if he cannot prove his worth. 'The Democratic Party suffers from an internal division,' Patillo said. 'It brings together young progressive groups like African Americans, immigrants, and minority rights supporters, with more traditional groups from middle agricultural areas like farmers.' He explained that this diversity leads to constant tension over the party's direction, and progressive voices are often marginalised despite their rise. 'An Opportunity for Republicans' At the same time, Republicans see Mamdani's win in New York as an opportunity to strengthen their political presence in competitive districts by using his progressive platform to portray the Democratic Party as 'extremist.' This is what frightens Bennett most. 'There is a real danger that Republicans will use Mamdani's views and the views of socialists as a weapon against other Democrats,' he explained. Bennett confirmed that they have already started doing so. 'We are now seeing fundraising messages and statements coming from Republicans trying to link Mamdani to Democrats in other parts of New York state and across the country,' he said, adding, 'I think this poses a real problem.' Trump weighed in and fiercely attacked Mamdani for his primary win, calling him an 'obsessed communist' and saying his 'look is terrible, his voice is grating, and he's not smart enough,' viewing his rise as a 'defining moment in the country's history.' The New York 'Young Republican Club' also called on the federal government to strip Mamdani of his citizenship and deport him. Awour described this call as 'undemocratic and inhumane,' saying, 'Talk of revoking citizenship due to political differences is inappropriate' and 'would extend to everyone in New York City, including many of these young Republicans who may not be American by birth, or whose parents may be immigrants.' As for Patillo, he considered that the hope for changing the thinking of the Democratic Party, which is primarily concerned with winning, lies in Mamdani's ability to achieve tangible results such as improving the standard of living, reducing crime, and providing real services to the people. 'Then he will become a model to be emulated, and he may push the party to reconsider its positions on progressive politicians,' he said. 'Success in America's political arena always tends to be imitated, so the best way for Mamdani to gain the party's trust and continued support is to succeed in his mission as mayor and win over the people on the ground.'


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As missiles rain down and cameras go dark, a new front in modern warfare has emerged: the systematic targeting of journalists. From Tehran to Gaza, media workers are being bombed, shot, and silenced—not for what they've done, but for what they dare to show. On 16 June, broadcaster Sahar Emami was halfway through her evening bulletin when the building shook. The missile struck like thunder. The lights blew out. Smoke filled the room. Somewhere down the corridor, someone screamed. An Israeli airstrike had just hit the compound of Iran's state broadcaster, IRIB, in Tehran. Emami paused only briefly, running for cover as the shockwaves intensified. She returned to her chair moments later—composed, defiant—and resumed the live broadcast. File Photo: A snapshot of Broadcaster Sahar Emami after an Israeli strike hit the building. The attack killed producer Masoumeh Azimi and news editor Nima Rajabpour. Many others were wounded. "This was part of a plan to destroy 'the regime's symbols,'" American-Iranian journalist, formerly based in Beirut, Séamus Malekafzali told Ahram Online. "If they can stop IRIB from broadcasting and kill its reporters, they can prevent the state from informing people about what is happening in their own country." "It has a chilling effect on going back to work and on associating oneself with its reporters," he added. The strike on IRIB was part of a growing Israeli strategy of targeting "hostile" media infrastructure. Iran responded with missiles aimed at Israel's Channel 14 and Channel 12. The strike caused structural damage but no casualties. Iran's government labelled Channel 14 a "terror network" tied to Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's coalition. Israel condemned the attack as a strike against civilian media. But in Tehran, the questions had already shifted. "We heard the bombs around us, our windows shook, and we kept working," wrote Iranian journalist Ruhollah Nakhaee to Ahram Online. "Some of us had to move our families out of Tehran and return to work alone." "They [the West] brushed off IRIB being hit because it's state TV," he said. "The BBC is state TV. The VOA is state TV. Would anyone react the same if they were targeted? I'm very aware that if any of our offices are hit, no one will ask why. And even if they do, it won't matter." The language of international law offers no protection, he adds. "After all Israel has done with blanket support from the West, terms like 'international law' mean nothing here. They never did." Cross-border attacks and the information war File Photo: Reuters video journalist Issam Abdallah. Photo courtesy of social media. The strike on IRIB reflects a growing pattern of Israeli attacks on journalists in the region. On 13 October 2023, the Israeli army opened tank fire on seven reporters clearly marked as press while filming on a hillside near Alma Al-Shaab, southern Lebanon. Reuters video journalist Issam Abdallah was killed. AFP photojournalist Christina Assi lost her leg. Five others were injured. Investigations by AFP, Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International, and the United Nations all concluded the strike was deliberate. "Despite extensive evidence of a war crime … Israel has faced zero accountability," said Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) President Jodie Ginsberg in a 2024 report. "All over Palestine and in southern Lebanon, the primary aim of assassinating all these journalists has been to prevent the dissemination of what is happening on these fronts to the rest of the world," Malekafzali said. "They attack reporters no matter what network they're from … as long as they are focused on exposing Israeli atrocities." Reporting from the front lines in Gaza and the West Bank File Photo: A Palestinian woman holds the body of her son, killed in an Israeli strike. Photo courtesy of Salma Al-Qaddoumi's Instagram. By the second month of the ongoing genocide, Gaza had already become the world's most dangerous environment for journalists. On a blistering August morning, journalists Ibrahim Muhareb, Salma Al-Qaddoumi, Ezzedine Muasher, Rasha Ahmed, and Saeed Al-Lulu were documenting displacement in Gaza's Hamad City when an Israeli tank opened fire. Muhareb was shot in the leg. Al-Qaddoumi and her friend Mahmoud rushed to carry him to safety. "But snipers opened fire on us. Ibrahim [Muhareb] was killed. Mahmoud was wounded. I was shot in the back—the bullet exited near my heart. I was clearly marked as press. I wore my vest. And yet, they aimed at us deliberately," Al-Qaddoumi told Ahram Online. Since October 2023, at least 226 journalists have been killed, 430 injured, 48 detained, and 119 media offices or institutions destroyed in Palestine—mostly in Gaza—according to the Palestinian Journalists Syndicate (PJS). The PJS also reported that the number of journalists killed represents nearly 20 percent of all Palestinian journalists. "For over twenty months, we've tried to deliver Gaza's image to the world," says Al-Qaddoumi. "But we are exhausted—physically, emotionally, spiritually. We are weary of capturing massacres, of photographing shredded bodies." "Gaza needed its story told. The displacement was relentless, the bombing spared no neighbourhood, and there simply weren't enough journalists to document every massacre," she explained. Al-Qaddoumi was nearly killed doing just that. File Photo: A woman holding her children's hands, with several Israeli Army vehicles behind her in Jenin, the occupied West Bank. Photo courtesy of Obada Tahayna's Instagram . In the northern West Bank, Obada Tahayna, Jenin-based correspondent for Al Jazeera and Free Palestine TV, faces the same threat. "In Jenin, being a journalist is extremely hazardous. Every day could be my last," Tahayna told Ahram Online. Since 21 January, Israel has carried out its most expansive military operation in the West Bank since 2002. "The vest no longer offers protection," Tahayna says. "It's a target. The occupation forces recognise it. That makes you a target for attack, pursuit, and detention." He has been beaten, detained, and had his phone confiscated—but persists. "If we fall silent, it would be as if nothing ever occurred." Media coverage of the West Bank was severely curtailed after Israel closed the Al Jazeera media office in Ramallah last September. When did journalists become targets of war? The deliberate targeting of media workers has become increasingly systematic. In 2001, the United States bombed Al Jazeera's Kabul office during its invasion of Afghanistan. In 2003, it struck the network's Baghdad bureau, killing Palestinian correspondent Tareq Ayyoub. Both incidents were never meaningfully investigated. In 2007, leaked US military footage—later published by WikiLeaks as "Collateral Murder"—showed a helicopter crew killing civilians, including two Reuters journalists in Iraq, laughing as they opened fire. In asymmetric conflicts, especially in the digital age, narrative warfare is as decisive as territory. "The Israeli narrative spreads rapidly and is presented as the sole truth," Tahayna says. The journalist thus becomes not just an observer but a counter-narrator. "The Palestinian journalist does not merely transmit news. He is part of the event itself—threatened, under pressure, yet resolute. Perhaps the world doesn't realise how much we risk so people may see—not for personal gain." Today, journalists are increasingly seen as affiliates, particularly those working for national broadcasters, local agencies, or partisan outlets. Their presence challenges the monopoly of official narratives, and their footage often outpaces state messaging. The limits of international protection Despite protections under international humanitarian law, its application remains inconsistent. The 2002 killing of Wall Street Journal reporter Daniel Pearl sparked global outrage and immediate diplomatic pressure. The US government launched high-level investigations, resulting in arrests and convictions. File Photo: Al Jazeera journalist Shireen Abu Akleh. AFP By contrast, the killing of Shireen Abu Akleh in 2022—filmed, verified, and acknowledged even by Western allies—has led only to prolonged inquiries, tepid statements, and no justice. Journalists from the Global South are often seen not as independent professionals but as extensions of their geographic or political contexts. Groups such as Reporters Sans Frontières (RSF), the International Federation of Journalists (IFJ), and CPJ continue to track deaths, demand inquiries, and issue press freedom alerts. However, much of their work yields only expressions of solidarity, rather than justice. Malekafzali summed it up: "Reporters can be maimed, killed, obliterated … but they will always be fundamentally untrustworthy to the West unless they've been granted access to its vaulted institutions." "The Israeli victims are foregrounded," he stressed. "We know many of their names by now, even if we don't live there. But we rarely know about the Palestinians, Lebanese, and now Iranians killed by the Israeli army—except as numbers in the death toll." "We will not be silenced" Despite the risks, journalists continue working—not because they are safe, but because the world needs their voices. "If I could capture just one photo that carries my voice to the world," Al-Qaddoumi says, "I would want it to show Gaza's beauty—the children, the youth, the women. Gaza is full of talent, creativity, brilliance. And yet many of those vibrant young people are now amputees—or martyrs. Why? For what crime?" "To me, photography is an act of resistance. It is documentation. It is a message of steadfastness. We are here, on the ground. And we will not be silenced," she concludes. Follow us on: Facebook Instagram Whatsapp Short link: