Post Op Sindoor, Experts Say India Should Look Beyond Traditional Suppliers For Defence Procurement

The Wire

06-06-2025

Menu
हिंदी తెలుగు اردو
Home Politics Economy World Security Law Science Society Culture Editor's Pick Opinion
Support independent journalism. Donate Now
Security
Post Op Sindoor, Experts Say India Should Look Beyond Traditional Suppliers For Defence Procurement
Rahul Bedi
36 minutes ago
Countries like Sweden, Spain, Italy, Germany, South Korea, and Japan, though historically modest defence collaborators with India, offer immense promise.
An Army personnel stands near a weapon system during a demonstration near the India-Pakistan border, Punjab on Monday, May 19, 2025.The Army showcased a demonstration of how Indian Air Defence systems, including AKASH missile system, L-70 Air Defence Guns, thwarted attempts by Pakistan to target civilian and religious sites . Photo: PTI
Real journalism holds power accountable
Since 2015, The Wire has done just that.
But we can continue only with your support.
Contribute now
Chandigarh: In the aftermath of Operation Sindoor, Indian defence planners and service veterans are increasingly advocating a shift from traditional suppliers like the US, Russia, and Israel toward smaller European and technologically advanced Asian nations. This strategic pivot, backed by analysts and commentators aims to diversify India's defence procurement while reinforcing the Atmanirbhar Bharat (self-reliance) agenda.
Brigadier Rahul Bhonsle (Retd) of Security Risks consultancy in New Delhi notes that these smaller nations – unlike the larger powers – tend to separate defence commerce from geopolitical agendas, focusing instead on industrial logic. Their political neutrality and limited entanglement in wars and global rivalries also rendered them lower-risk partners for co-development and technology transfer.
Strategic necessity of diversifying India's defence procurement matrix
India's changing threat environment and supply-chain shocks from traditional defence partners like Russia, the US, and Israel have highlighted the strategic necessity of diversifying its defence procurement matrix. Overdependence on a few suppliers – many of whom are either geopolitically distracted, technologically restrictive, or facing internal turmoil – has highlighted shortcomings after Operation Sindoor.
In contrast, countries like Sweden, Spain, Italy, Germany, South Korea, and Japan, though historically modest defence collaborators with India, offer immense promise. Their advanced capabilities in precision munitions, missile systems, naval and AI-enabled network-centric platforms, cyber defence, and small arms – combined with flexible terms and political neutrality – make them ideal partners in India's push for strategic autonomy.
These nations are more open to co-development, technology transfer, and localised production, aligning well with India's Atmanirbharta agenda. They also bring agility, innovation, and lower political baggage, helping India build a resilient, future-ready force structure.
According to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI), Russia, the US, Israel, and France collectively accounted for 84% of India's total arms imports between 2019 and 2023. Russia remained, by far India's largest supplier with 36%, despite a decline from previous decades. But over 60% of platforms and sundry equipment currently in service across the Indian armed forces still originate from Russia.
France followed with 29%, while the US and Israel contributed 11% and 8% respectively. Collectively these countries have equipped India with a broad array of platforms – combat and transport aircraft, heavy lift and attack helicopters, surveillance platforms, diesel-electric submarines, howitzers, small arms, armed and surveillance drones, missile systems, sensors, and precision-guided munitions amongst other sundry gear.
The remaining 16% came from a diverse group including South Korea, Germany, Italy, Spain, and Ukraine, though all military ties with Kyiv ceased in 2022 following the ongoing war with Russia.
Defence analysts like Major General A.P. Singh (Retd) argue that expanded collaboration with these smaller or less politically encumbered nations offers India 'transactional and balanced partnerships' – unlike traditional suppliers who often link defence ties to larger strategic considerations. Diplomatic friction, sanctions, and shifting alliances have repeatedly disrupted India's acquisitions, injecting operational uncertainty on many previous occasions, he added.
For instance, Russia's invasion of Ukraine and subsequent Western sanctions had delayed deliveries of critical systems to India like two S-400 Triumf SAM systems, four Admiral Grigorovich-class frigates, and the lease of a second Akula-class nuclear submarine. Spares for existing Russian-origin fighters, helicopters, submarines and other platforms and equipment had also faced persistent delays, affecting India's operational tempo during crises like Operation Sindoor.
China's deepening military-strategic partnership with Russia a cause of worry for India
Moreover, China's deepening military-strategic partnership with Russia – fueled by their joint exercises, defence technology exchanges, and arms sales – has raised concerns in New Delhi about Moscow's future reliability as an arms supplier. Beijing's growing sway over Moscow adds an unpredictable variable in India's long-standing dependence on Russian military hardware and needed a 'serious rethink' service veterans advised.
They also said that the shifting axis between Russia and China had introduced 'strategic ambiguity' into India-Russia defence ties, prompting growing unease in Delhi. Moscow's increasing dependence on Beijing also raised concerns over the former's willingness to supply India with advanced weapon systems, sensitive technologies, or uninterrupted logistical support in a future conflict, particularly one involving China.
The overlapping weapons ecosystems posed another risk.
With both India and China operating similar Russian-origin platforms – like Sukhoi fighters and S-400 air defence systems – India faced the prospect of confronting adversaries well-acquainted with its military hardware. Coupled with supply delays and the weakening Russian defence industry, had led many Indian strategists to question the long-term reliability of Moscow as a defence partner.
Also Read: Operation Sindoor Highlights That It's Time for the Indian Air Force to Make Key Procurements
Simultaneously, defence ties with Israel have also come under strain. The October 2023 Hamas attacks and Israel's ensuing Gaza campaign have forced major Israeli firms like Rafael, Elbit Systems, and Israel Aerospace Industries to redirect resources toward domestic military needs. This shift had delayed component deliveries, disrupted joint development projects, and impacted India's access to technologies such as loitering munitions, UAVs, and air defence systems.
There are reportedly also growing delays in sourcing components for the Israeli SPYDER low-level, quick-reaction (LLQRM) surface-to-air missile air defence system, designed to engage various aerial threats like aircraft, helicopters, UAVs, and cruise missiles. Uncertainty also prevails over future upgrades of Israeli-origin counter-drone and surveillance platforms deployed along India's borders.
And, with Israel's strategic focus now fixed on managing multifront conflicts –including with Hezbollah and Iranian proxies – its ability to sustain overseas defence partnerships is under pressure. For India, long reliant on Israel for flexible terms and rapid delivery, this situation highlights the vulnerability of over-dependence on a narrow pool of suppliers.
Simultaneously, political and financial turbulence during US's Donald Trump administration raised doubts in Delhi about Washington's long-term reliability as a defence partner. A key casualty was the General Electric-Hindustan Aeronautics Limited agreement to locally manufacture GE-F414IN20 after burning turbofan engines – vital for future Indian combat aircraft – which continues to face delays and unresolved hurdles.
Moreover, US defence cooperation comes with rigid conditionalities, particularly on technology transfer and end-user monitoring. Washington is typically reluctant to share source codes or allow full proprietary access to its platforms, limiting India's ability to indigenise, integrate, or adapt them independently.
More importantly, the US proscribes 'jugaad'-the Indian military's hallmark of innovative field-level improvisation – thereby constricting its operational flexibility. Besides, the US emphasis on interoperability, often aligned with its Indo-Pacific strategy, does not always sit well with India's emphasis on strategic autonomy. Despite closer ties in recent years-cemented through four foundational defence agreements-Delhi remains continually wary of becoming entangled in the Washington-led global security framework.
'These handicaps are reason enough for India to forge a more agile and diversified procurement and modernisation strategy involving smaller, commercially-driven nations,' said Gen Singh (Retd). Their political neutrality and willingness to support indigenisation make them better suited to India's Atmanirbharta objectives, he added.
Sweden has made first 100% foreign direct investment (FDI) in India's defence sector
Sweden's SAAB, has established a facility in Haryana to co-produce the Carl-Gustaf M4 weapon system, marking the first 100% foreign direct investment (FDI) in India's defence sector. SAAB has also pitched its Gripen-E multirole fighter to the Indian Air Force (IAF) with robust domestic commitments, offering a cost-effective, high-performance solution to address the Force's alarming declining fighter squadron strength. SAAB has also proposed collaboration on India's fifth-generation Advanced Medium Combat Aircraft (AMCA), alongside support in radar, electronic warfare (EW), cybersecurity, and artificial intelligence (AI)-assisted military programmes.
Germany's ThyssenKrupp Marine Systems (TKMS) is close to finalising the Project-75 I (India) partnership with Mazagaon Dock Shipbuilders Ltd (MDL) that involves building six advanced diesel-electric submarines (SSK) with Air-Independent Propulsion (AIP) and land-attack capabilities. Beyond P-75(I), Germany could provide expertise in next-generation submarine design, cyber defence, and EW systems.
Meanwhile, India has been licence-producing Italy's Oto Melara 76mm Super Rapid Gun Mount (SRGM) for the Indian Navy (IN) since 1994. These guns equip the indigenously built aircraft carrier INS Vikrant and a variety of indigenous warships. Alongside, Italian firm Fincantieri supported Vikrant's propulsion system design, while Avio contributed to the carrier's platform management. And, more recently, Italy expressed interest in involving India in the Global Combat Air Programme (GCAP) a sixth-generation fighter initiative with the UK and Japan offered collaboration in jointly producing torpedoes, helicopters, radar, EW systems, UAVs, and miscellaneous naval platforms.
Spain, a founding partner in Europe's Airbus Defence and Space, is presently executing a joint venture with Tata Advanced Systems Ltd (TASL) to import 16 C-295 medium transport aircraft and manufacture 40 more in Vadodara. Future tie-ups with Spain could include advanced radar and sensor systems for air defence and joint development of simulation and combat training platforms for the IAF
And, in April 2025, India signed a $253 million deal with Larsen & Toubro for 100 additional K9 Vajra-T 155mm/52 calibre tracked self-propelled howitzers, under license from South Korea's Hanwha Defense – a follow-on to an analogous 2017 order. Prospects also include expanding K9-based artillery cooperation and co-developing Mine Counter Countermeasure Vessels (MCMVs), which the IN desperately needs.
Also Read: India's Fighter Jet Ambitions: From Russian Roulette to Indigenous Dreams
India-Japan, defence collaboration too has deepened in recent years, driven by shared strategic concerns over a hegemonic China and a mutual commitment to a free and open Indo-Pacific region. Japan has offered India dual-use technologies in robotics, autonomous systems, and space-based surveillance as well as possibilities of co-developing unmanned military ground vehicles and enhancing cyber-security frameworks.
Consequently, all such potential collaborations, touched upon cursorily, could well provide India with the latest technological depth and resilience required for modern warfare in the post-Op Sindoor environment – where the basic nature of conflict itself was evolving through drones, EW and stand-off, long-range precision strikes.
To engage in such wars, India's military needs to be not just well-equipped but agile and technologically integrated, for which a diversified defence portfolio is no longer optional – it is a strategic imperative.
The Wire is now on WhatsApp. Follow our channel for sharp analysis and opinions on the latest developments.
Make a contribution to Independent Journalism
Related News
Russian Ambassador Says 'Discussion Ongoing' On India Getting More S-400 Air Defence System Units: Report
Four Things the CDS said at Pune that Deserve Our Attention
The French Are Anxious to Know the Fate of Rafales in Operation Sindoor Combat
The Opposition Owes the Indian public Some Answers
'Indo-Pacific Region Never Existed, Made Up to Drag India Into Anti-China Schemes': Russian FM Lavrov
CDS Accepts Loss of IAF Fighter Jets
Facing Pushback, Derision and Anger, BJP Says News of Sindoor Distribution Plans 'Fake'
Three Things the CDS Interviews in Singapore Tell Us
Vandalism of Karachi Bakery and the Weaponisation of Food to Portray a Shallow Form of Patriotism
View in Desktop Mode
About Us
Contact Us
Support Us
© Copyright. All Rights Reserved.