
Getting back to pursuing peace in the Middle East
In September 1993, I sat with them and watched Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin and the Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat shaking hands in the Rose Garden with President Clinton. I was just a high school kid, but I remember watching this group of people working on something big and important: peace in the Middle East. This was one of the moments that made me want to do public service.
My parents were teachers, and I taught as well. Improving the lives of children and families was always going to be at the heart of my work in public service. But so would be the pursuit of peace, particularly in the Middle East. We got so close in the 1990s, and I wanted to be part of the next generation of leaders that helped to make it happen.
I would go on to get a master's degree in theological studies, work in Israel for years, and make five trips to the region the first 30 months of my time in Congress.
All of this has helped me to better understand the complexities of achieving peace, appreciate the possibilities, and establish relationships with top leaders in the region. The goal: be as ready and helpful as humanly possible.
With that in mind, I hope that I have some credibility when I say, I believe we are in a critical moment in terms of our pursuit for peace.
The strikes on the Iranian enrichment sites, while risky, could be a major step toward preventing the regime from developing a nuclear weapon. It was a targeted strike — to prevent war — and an attempt to stop what could be a truly catastrophic event.
Reports on the effectiveness of the strikes vary. Having read initial intelligence reports, and appreciating what others, including the director of the International Atomic Energy Agency as well as the Iranian regime, say, it's clear that significant damage has been done to the regime's quest for a nuclear weapon.
Americans do agree the Iranian regime should not get a nuclear weapon. It would not just be an existential threat to Israel and others in the Middle East, but a clear and present danger to the entire world and our national security.
No one wants another prolonged war in the Middle East. This is not Iraq. It can't be. We know the Iranian regime is pursuing a nuclear weapon, and no one is pushing for ground forces or seriously considering regime change.
But this is a moment of real possibility. Israel has diminished significantly the regime's most dangerous terrorist armies, Hamas and Hezbollah. They have degraded the Iranian regime's nuclear program, missile production capabilities, missile firing capabilities and regime infrastructure in ways few thought possible.
By taking out the regime's air defenses, Israel opened the door for the administration to do what only the U.S. is capable of doing — deliver the bunker-busters needed to severely damage the heavily fortified nuclear sites.
The strategic dynamic in the Middle East has changed, and we should pursue every diplomatic effort available to foster peace between Israel and the Palestinians and a stable, peaceful future for the Middle East.
Based on my genuine commitment to a lasting peace, and my own experiences and understanding of the situation, I hope Republicans and Democrats will seize this moment and come together in the following ways.
First, we need to do this together. Trump should have notified key Democrats in Congress, not just top Republicans, of the operation. Still, the administration can now come to Congress with a straightforward, fact-based, intelligence assessment that will enable us all, Democrats and Republicans, to inform our next decisions in a bipartisan way.
Of course, this has to include bipartisan intelligence and security briefings. The administration cannot hold intelligence back from Congress, and it should shoot straight with the American people. Trust plays a major role in moments like these.
Second, we need a clear vision for a lasting peace from the president and other key leaders. One that gets the regime in Iran to pursue a civilian program, remove all the enriched uranium, accept around-the-clock inspections, and dismantle the terror armies that have been primary obstacles to peace in the region.
We must also help end the war in Gaza. We need to work with Israel, bringing in additional international partners, to help make this happen: adding more pressure on Hamas to release the hostages and help Israel and Gazans end Hamas' reign in Gaza.
Third, we need the administration to build the broadest possible coalition for peace. We need world leaders, particularly in Europe and the Middle East, to join this effort. With the Iranian regime no longer pursuing a nuclear weapon or supporting their proxy armies — Hamas, Hezbollah and the Houthis — we can give the Israelis, Palestinians, Lebanese, Syrians and others the space to establish real security, to rebuild, and to invest in a renewed peace process.
Israel has made peace with Egypt, Jordan, UAE and Bahrain. We have to build on this to include the Saudis, Lebanon, Syria and the Palestinians. Only the broadest coalition possible, with a compelling vision and path forward, will get this done.
Fourth, the administration needs to dedicate additional leadership to this work. To date, one person, Steve Witkoff, has been working on this issue. He's also working on a ceasefire between Ukraine and Russia, among other things. They're stretched too thin. We need more people — serious leaders — focused entirely on getting this done.
Finally, Congress should establish a Congressional Commission on Middle East Peace. This would be a standing, bipartisan and bicameral effort. We need ongoing and focused leadership in Congress to tackle an issue as complex as this one.
This will be hard. But since that September day in 1993, the destination has always been peace, and the past two weeks have brought us closer to that goal.
Greg Landsman, a Democrat, represents Ohio's 1st District in the U.S. House of Representatives.
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22 minutes ago
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The Hill
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Newsweek
an hour ago
- Newsweek
Syria's Forgotten Minority—Why the Druze Deserve Our Protection and Attention
Advocates for ideas and draws conclusions based on the interpretation of facts and data. Newsweek AI is in beta. Translations may contain inaccuracies—please refer to the original content. As an Israeli Druze woman serving as a minister at the Israeli Embassy in Washington, D.C., I feel compelled to share what is happening to my people in Suwayda, Syria. The Druze of Syria, the largest concentration of Druze in the Middle East, numbering more than 700,000 people, are facing a brutal and systematic assault. Despite their relatively small numbers, the Syrian Druze played a foundational role in shaping modern Syria, just as we play a significant role in Israel. A convoy of Syrian military and security forces passes a sign for Suwayda, Syria on July 15, 2025. A convoy of Syrian military and security forces passes a sign for Suwayda, Syria on July 15, 2025. Stringer/Getty Images They led the Great Syrian Revolt against French colonial rule, fighting for liberalism, the rule of law, and human rights for all. This religious minority known for its dignity, neutrality, resiliency, and peaceful resistance is now being targeted by Jihadi militias supported by the Syrian regime, with tanks artillery, and heavy weapons. As a human being I am watching history repeat itself—in real time—through the footage of this horrendous ethnic cleansing. The atrocities of October 7 in Israel did not occur in a vacuum. We have warned the world for years about this growing wave of radical extremism. It has targeted the Yazidis in Iraq, the Alawites in Syria, Christians across the Levant—and now, it is butchering innocent Druze civilians: women, children, and the elderly. Homes are being shelled, families displaced, hospitals are being bombed, and religious sites and symbols desecrated, led by the Syrian regime with the blessing of President Abu Mohammad al-Jolani. And yet once again—the world has remained largely silent in the face of the genocide taking place against my people. Let me be clear: The Suwayda massacre is not an internal Syrian issue. As we have seen before, this has escalated into international sectarian war by radical Jihadists against minority groups that do not ascribe to their version of fundamentalism. As the only democracy in the Middle East that actively protects minority rights, Israel has not stood idly by. Israel is committed to preventing continued harm from being inflicted on the Druze in Syria. As the state of Israel, we are committed to protecting the Druze minority and maintaining the strategic security buffer on Israel's northern border with Syria in the Golan. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu firmly instructed the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) to protect the Druze community in Syria and to attack strongholds of al-Jolani's regime in Damascus. Together with the minister of Defense, the PM publicly committed to eliminating the radical forces that attacked the Druze and called for a full withdrawal from Suwayda. We are determined to deter the regime from harming the Druze, by ensuring the full demilitarization of the border with Syria, acting to defend our common values, and for the protection of minority groups. Everyone should know that the Druze of Syria stand as the last symbol of pluralism and minority diversity in the Arab-majority region. If Suwayda collapses, Israel and Jordan face an immediate Jihadi threat on their border. Therefore, I urge you to speak out, clearly and urgently. Join Israel in condemning the violence and the targeted persecution of this minority group and in calling for an immediate withdrawal of Syrian forces from Druze Syrian villages. We must see an immediate cessation of the siege on all essential humanitarian necessities and a humanitarian corridor created between Syria and Jordan. Let me conclude by quoting the people of Suwayda: "Don't let this turn into another forgotten atrocity. Human rights are not selective. Minority lives are not optional." Sawsan Natour-Hasson is the minister of public diplomacy at the Israeli Embassy in Washington, D.C. She served as the director of the Middle East Economic Affairs Department at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Israel. Natour-Hasson has held a variety of posts in the Foreign Ministry in Israel and around the world, including deputy chief of mission in Athens and in Sofia. Prior to that, Natour-Hasson was an attorney specializing in civil and labor law. She has been awarded the Prize of Excellence for her work at the Foreign Ministry. Natour-Hasson holds LL.B. and LL.M. law degrees from Haifa University. She is Druze and lives with her family in Daliyat Al-Karmel. The views expressed in this article are the writer's own.