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Arab News
3 days ago
- Politics
- Arab News
Israel seeks to bypass Palestinian leaders yet again
One of the defining features of colonial regimes is a strategy of divide and rule. Successive Israeli governments have repeatedly resorted to this tactic to undermine Palestinian unity and erase any semblance of a collective Palestinian national identity. Soon after its occupation began in 1967, Israel sought to empower Palestinian leaders more loyal to Jordan than to the Palestine Liberation Organization. But the tide turned in 1974, when the Arab League Summit in Rabat officially recognized the PLO as the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people. That same year, Yasser Arafat addressed the UN with his now-iconic speech, raising both an olive branch and a pistol. He urged the world to support peace and warned against those who would snatch away the olive branch. Rather than respond in kind, Israel signed a separate peace agreement with Egypt — one that deliberately sidelined the PLO. Israel's efforts to marginalize Palestinian nationalism continued into the 1980s. A growing alliance of nationalist mayors, intellectuals and civil society leaders began to gain popularity in the Occupied Territories. In 1980, an underground Israeli settler cell planted car bombs targeting three prominent West Bank mayors. While none were killed, the attacks left lasting scars: Nablus Mayor Bassam Shakaa lost both legs and Ramallah Mayor Karim Khalaf lost part of one leg. Rather than silence them, the attacks elevated these mayors to national hero status. When intimidation failed, Israel turned to a different colonial tactic — pitting rural Palestinians against the urban leadership. Menahem Milson, a Hebrew University professor and Israeli official, spearheaded the creation of the 'village leagues.' These bodies were meant to act as an alternative to the overwhelmingly pro-PLO nationalist movement. While they managed to attract a few collaborators, especially around Hebron, they were widely rejected by the Palestinian public. By 1988, the situation had reached boiling point. Inspired by nonviolent movements like those led by Gandhi and Martin Luther King Jr., Palestinians launched the first Intifada — a largely nonviolent uprising demanding freedom. Yet even then, Israel's divide-and-rule strategy persisted. During the 1970s, Israel had allowed Islamist groups to grow in influence as a counterweight to secular nationalists. This led to the formation of Hamas in Gaza, a group that participated in the Intifada but soon took a more radical, violent path. Even after the Oslo Accords were signed, Hamas worked to undermine the peace process. When intimidation failed, Israel turned to a different colonial tactic — pitting rural Palestinians against the urban leadership. Daoud Kuttab That process unraveled entirely in 1995, when a right-wing Israeli extremist assassinated Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin. Benjamin Netanyahu, who opposed Oslo, was narrowly elected shortly thereafter. With Rabin gone and Israeli politics turning sharply rightward, the peace process ground to a halt. In the post-Arafat era, Israel's right-wing governments — dominated by religious nationalists — have shown little interest in engaging with legitimate Palestinian leaders. This has been true under both Arafat and his more moderate successor, Mahmoud Abbas. Following the brutal Hamas attack in October 2023, the Israeli government used the violence not only to wage war on Hamas and the Palestinian people in Gaza, but also to further marginalize the Palestinian Authority in Ramallah, as well as refugee camps in the West Bank. Despite quietly relying on the PA for security coordination, Netanyahu and his far-right ministers — such as Itamar Ben-Gvir and Bezalel Smotrich — have consistently denied the PA any respect or political legitimacy. Their scorched-earth approach has extended even to UNRWA, the UN agency for Palestinian refugees, which they have sought to dismantle in the false hope that doing so will erase the Palestinian right of return. Now, with international support for Palestinian self-determination growing — and as France and Saudi Arabia prepare to co-chair a high-level UN conference on the two-state solution — Israel is doubling down on its efforts to delegitimize Palestinian nationalism. The latest twist in this decades-old playbook? Reviving the old village leagues tactic. Some tribal and local figures are again being courted to normalize relations with Israel in exchange for economic incentives, such as work permits. This new scheme, like its predecessors, is designed to bypass the PLO and weaken the Ramallah-based leadership. But such efforts are doomed to fail. There is no path to peace that avoids direct negotiations with the legitimate representatives of the Palestinian people. Abbas, for all his critics, remains a committed advocate of nonviolence and coexistence. If Israel and the international community are truly interested in peace, they must engage with Abbas and the PLO in good faith — and work toward a permanent agreement that includes the creation of a viable, independent and contiguous Palestinian state alongside Israel. The time to act is now.
The National
5 days ago
- Politics
- The National
Timeframe: How Sheikh Zayed stood up for Palestinians during his 1989 state visit to the UK
During his state visit to the UK on July 18, 1989, UAE Founding Father, the late Sheikh Zayed bin Sultan Al Nahyan, caused quite a stir in the British media on the back of a meeting he held in the grounds of Buckingham Palace, where he was staying. Sheikh Zayed had invited Bassam Abu Sharif, a senior adviser to Yasser Arafat, former leader of the Palestine Liberation Organisation, with whom the British government had no official relations. The first Palestinian intifada was taking place, and former Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon, who was then the country's trade and industry minister, had publicly called for the murder of Arafat. 'Palestine had a very special place in his heart,' Abu Sharif wrote of Sheikh Zayed in his 2009 book Arafat and the Dream of Palestine: An Insider's Account. Recounting his meeting with the UAE Founding Father, Abu Sharif said: 'Sheikh Zayed was an Arab who remained true in his national stands'. 'I summarised developments, explaining to His Highness the difficult circumstances of occupation under which our people were living. He would interrupt me once in a while to ask for more details, but I could see he was deeply moved by what I was telling him,' he wrote of their meeting. 'Due to His Highness's busy schedule, I was granted only a 20-minute meeting. When my allotted time was up, I stood to leave, apologising for having taken up so much of his valuable time. He motioned for me to remain seated, saying firmly: 'Palestine is more important.' 'We continued talking for a whole hour, which both amazed and confused his staff. Before I left, Sheikh Zayed pledged to aid the Palestinian people and encouraged us to remain firmly committed to freeing Jerusalem.' The following morning, one British newspaper reported their meeting with the headline: 'A Terrorist in Buckingham Palace'. The Independent also suggested Abu Sharif's visit to Buckingham Palace had 'embarrassed' Geoffrey Howe, the then British foreign secretary. Buckingham Palace would later issue a statement saying the meeting had been prearranged and that, as a guest of Queen Elizabeth II, Sheikh Zayed was entitled to any visitor he wished. Following the state reception at Buckingham Palace, hosted by the queen, Sheikh Zayed hosted a return banquet in her honour two days later. It was held at the famed Claridge's hotel in London, and the queen was accompanied by a host of British politicians and members of the British royal family, including Princess Diana who, only a few months earlier in March, had visited the UAE with then Prince Charles. Margaret Thatcher at her residence and office in 10 Downing Street.
The Hill
01-07-2025
- Politics
- The Hill
Getting back to pursuing peace in the Middle East
When I was growing up, the news was always on in our house and my parents wanted me to really understand what was happening in the world. When something big happened, they would have me watch the news with them — attempting to explain what was happening and why. In September 1993, I sat with them and watched Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin and the Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat shaking hands in the Rose Garden with President Clinton. I was just a high school kid, but I remember watching this group of people working on something big and important: peace in the Middle East. This was one of the moments that made me want to do public service. My parents were teachers, and I taught as well. Improving the lives of children and families was always going to be at the heart of my work in public service. But so would be the pursuit of peace, particularly in the Middle East. We got so close in the 1990s, and I wanted to be part of the next generation of leaders that helped to make it happen. I would go on to get a master's degree in theological studies, work in Israel for years, and make five trips to the region the first 30 months of my time in Congress. All of this has helped me to better understand the complexities of achieving peace, appreciate the possibilities, and establish relationships with top leaders in the region. The goal: be as ready and helpful as humanly possible. With that in mind, I hope that I have some credibility when I say, I believe we are in a critical moment in terms of our pursuit for peace. The strikes on the Iranian enrichment sites, while risky, could be a major step toward preventing the regime from developing a nuclear weapon. It was a targeted strike — to prevent war — and an attempt to stop what could be a truly catastrophic event. Reports on the effectiveness of the strikes vary. Having read initial intelligence reports, and appreciating what others, including the director of the International Atomic Energy Agency as well as the Iranian regime, say, it's clear that significant damage has been done to the regime's quest for a nuclear weapon. Americans do agree the Iranian regime should not get a nuclear weapon. It would not just be an existential threat to Israel and others in the Middle East, but a clear and present danger to the entire world and our national security. No one wants another prolonged war in the Middle East. This is not Iraq. It can't be. We know the Iranian regime is pursuing a nuclear weapon, and no one is pushing for ground forces or seriously considering regime change. But this is a moment of real possibility. Israel has diminished significantly the regime's most dangerous terrorist armies, Hamas and Hezbollah. They have degraded the Iranian regime's nuclear program, missile production capabilities, missile firing capabilities and regime infrastructure in ways few thought possible. By taking out the regime's air defenses, Israel opened the door for the administration to do what only the U.S. is capable of doing — deliver the bunker-busters needed to severely damage the heavily fortified nuclear sites. The strategic dynamic in the Middle East has changed, and we should pursue every diplomatic effort available to foster peace between Israel and the Palestinians and a stable, peaceful future for the Middle East. Based on my genuine commitment to a lasting peace, and my own experiences and understanding of the situation, I hope Republicans and Democrats will seize this moment and come together in the following ways. First, we need to do this together. Trump should have notified key Democrats in Congress, not just top Republicans, of the operation. Still, the administration can now come to Congress with a straightforward, fact-based, intelligence assessment that will enable us all, Democrats and Republicans, to inform our next decisions in a bipartisan way. Of course, this has to include bipartisan intelligence and security briefings. The administration cannot hold intelligence back from Congress, and it should shoot straight with the American people. Trust plays a major role in moments like these. Second, we need a clear vision for a lasting peace from the president and other key leaders. One that gets the regime in Iran to pursue a civilian program, remove all the enriched uranium, accept around-the-clock inspections, and dismantle the terror armies that have been primary obstacles to peace in the region. We must also help end the war in Gaza. We need to work with Israel, bringing in additional international partners, to help make this happen: adding more pressure on Hamas to release the hostages and help Israel and Gazans end Hamas' reign in Gaza. Third, we need the administration to build the broadest possible coalition for peace. We need world leaders, particularly in Europe and the Middle East, to join this effort. With the Iranian regime no longer pursuing a nuclear weapon or supporting their proxy armies — Hamas, Hezbollah and the Houthis — we can give the Israelis, Palestinians, Lebanese, Syrians and others the space to establish real security, to rebuild, and to invest in a renewed peace process. Israel has made peace with Egypt, Jordan, UAE and Bahrain. We have to build on this to include the Saudis, Lebanon, Syria and the Palestinians. Only the broadest coalition possible, with a compelling vision and path forward, will get this done. Fourth, the administration needs to dedicate additional leadership to this work. To date, one person, Steve Witkoff, has been working on this issue. He's also working on a ceasefire between Ukraine and Russia, among other things. They're stretched too thin. We need more people — serious leaders — focused entirely on getting this done. Finally, Congress should establish a Congressional Commission on Middle East Peace. This would be a standing, bipartisan and bicameral effort. We need ongoing and focused leadership in Congress to tackle an issue as complex as this one. This will be hard. But since that September day in 1993, the destination has always been peace, and the past two weeks have brought us closer to that goal. Greg Landsman, a Democrat, represents Ohio's 1st District in the U.S. House of Representatives.
26-06-2025
- Politics
As the United Nations turns 80, some key moments in its history
UNITED NATIONS -- There have been many memorable moments in the 80-year history of the United Nations, both at its headquarters in New York and at its far-flung global operations. Here are photos of some of the U.N.'s history-making events as the world body marks the anniversary of its founding on June 26, 1945, when the U.N. Charter was signed by 50 countries in San Francisco. Most of these moments made headlines — but for very different reasons. Delegates from 50 countries met in San Francisco in the ashes of World War II to establish an international organization to prevent a repetition of such a conflict and promote global peace. The U.N. Charter remains the bedrock of the United Nations, which now has 193 member countries. The charter's opening words express determination 'to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war.' North Korean forces invaded South Korea on June 25, 1950. Twelve days later, the U.N. Security Council adopted a resolution authorizing the United States to establish and lead military forces to repel the attack and restore peace on the Korean Peninsula. The U.N. Command was the world's first attempt at collective security under the new United Nations. It still operates because there is an armistice — but still no peace treaty — between North Korea and South Korea. It was the height of the Cold War and the leader of the Soviet Union, Nikita Khrushchev, went to the annual gathering of world leaders at the U.N. General Assembly and listened in growing annoyance to criticism of the Communist bloc. In one intervention, in which he repeatedly banged his fist on the podium in the assembly hall, he declared: 'You will not be able to smother the voice of the peoples.' Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat was invited to speak at the United Nations even though the territories were not a U.N. member nation. Arafat told diplomats in the General Assembly chamber, 'Today, I have come bearing an olive branch and a freedom fighter's gun. Do not let the olive branch fall from my hand.' The bombing of U.N. headquarters in the Canal Hotel in Baghdad was the deadliest terrorist attack against U.N. staff in its history and killed many team members as well as Sergio Vieira de Mello, a rising star. U.N. Secretary-General António Guterres said on the 20th anniversary of the tragedy that it 'marked a change in the way humanitarians operate.' Moammar Gadhafi, the autocratic ruler of oil rich Libya, ripped up the document in his only address to the U.N. General Assembly's annual gathering of world leaders — a rambling 90-minute speech that went way beyond his allotted 15 minutes. He said he did not recognize the authority of the U.N. Charter. Then-British Prime Minister Gordon Brown retorted in his speech later: 'I stand here to reaffirm the United Nations Charter, not to tear it up.' The magnitude 7.0 earthquake in January 2010 killed 102 U.N. staff members, including the head of the U.N. peacekeeping mission in Haiti and his deputy when the building housing their offices was destroyed. The U.N. called it 'one of the darkest days" in its history. Haiti's government put the death toll at 316,000, while some estimates were lower. Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad criticized Americans who threatened to burn the Muslim holy book, saying, 'The truth cannot be burned.' He then held up the Quran and the Bible and said he respected both of them. The United States and about 30 other countries walked out during Ahmadinejad's speech after he falsely claimed the U.S. masterminded the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks, which killed nearly 3,000 people. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu held up a large, cartoonish diagram of a bomb divided into sections, saying the section marked 70% was where Iran was on its way to enriching uranium for a nuclear weapon. He urged the world to draw a clear 'red line' under the other section marked 90% and to stop Iran's nuclear program, asserting that the country would be that far along by the following year.
The Hill
26-06-2025
- Politics
- The Hill
As the United Nations turns 80, some key moments in its history
UNITED NATIONS (AP) — There have been many memorable moments in the 80-year history of the United Nations, both at its headquarters in New York and at its far-flung global operations. Here are photos of some of the U.N.'s history-making events as the world body marks the anniversary of its founding on June 26, 1945, when the U.N. Charter was signed by 50 countries in San Francisco. Most of these moments made headlines — but for very different reasons. Delegates from 50 countries met in San Francisco in the ashes of World War II to establish an international organization to prevent a repetition of such a conflict and promote global peace. The U.N. Charter remains the bedrock of the United Nations, which now has 193 member countries. The charter's opening words express determination 'to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war.' North Korean forces invaded South Korea on June 25, 1950. Twelve days later, the U.N. Security Council adopted a resolution authorizing the United States to establish and lead military forces to repel the attack and restore peace on the Korean Peninsula. The U.N. Command was the world's first attempt at collective security under the new United Nations. It still operates because there is an armistice — but still no peace treaty — between North Korea and South Korea. It was the height of the Cold War and the leader of the Soviet Union, Nikita Khrushchev, went to the annual gathering of world leaders at the U.N. General Assembly and listened in growing annoyance to criticism of the Communist bloc. In one intervention, in which he repeatedly banged his fist on the podium in the assembly hall, he declared: 'You will not be able to smother the voice of the peoples.' Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat was invited to speak at the United Nations even though the territories were not a U.N. member nation. Arafat told diplomats in the General Assembly chamber, 'Today, I have come bearing an olive branch and a freedom fighter's gun. Do not let the olive branch fall from my hand.' The bombing of U.N. headquarters in the Canal Hotel in Baghdad was the deadliest terrorist attack against U.N. staff in its history and killed many team members as well as Sergio Vieira de Mello, a rising star. U.N. Secretary-General António Guterres said on the 20th anniversary of the tragedy that it 'marked a change in the way humanitarians operate.' Moammar Gadhafi, the autocratic ruler of oil rich Libya, ripped up the document in his only address to the U.N. General Assembly's annual gathering of world leaders — a rambling 90-minute speech that went way beyond his allotted 15 minutes. He said he did not recognize the authority of the U.N. Charter. Then-British Prime Minister Gordon Brown retorted in his speech later: 'I stand here to reaffirm the United Nations Charter, not to tear it up.' The magnitude 7.0 earthquake in January 2010 killed 102 U.N. staff members, including the head of the U.N. peacekeeping mission in Haiti and his deputy when the building housing their offices was destroyed. The U.N. called it 'one of the darkest days' in its history. Haiti's government put the death toll at 316,000, while some estimates were lower. Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad criticized Americans who threatened to burn the Muslim holy book, saying, 'The truth cannot be burned.' He then held up the Quran and the Bible and said he respected both of them. The United States and about 30 other countries walked out during Ahmadinejad's speech after he falsely claimed the U.S. masterminded the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks, which killed nearly 3,000 people. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu held up a large, cartoonish diagram of a bomb divided into sections, saying the section marked 70% was where Iran was on its way to enriching uranium for a nuclear weapon. He urged the world to draw a clear 'red line' under the other section marked 90% and to stop Iran's nuclear program, asserting that the country would be that far along by the following year. ___ Follow the AP's coverage of the United Nations at
