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Book review: A tale of two forgotten revolutionaries from Bengal

Book review: A tale of two forgotten revolutionaries from Bengal

Mint26-04-2025
The centenary of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) in 2020 occasioned a flurry of newspaper articles and social media posts recalling the organisation's early days. An editorial on M.N. Roy (1887-1954), published in Anandabazar Patrika, spoke about a visit to his ancestral village of Kheput in the (West) Medinipur district of West Bengal. Roy, who had founded the Communist Party of India in Tashkent, Uzbekistan, had returned to Kheput briefly in 1939 with activist and anti-colonial feminist, Evelyn Trent, his wife. The editorial lamented that although a local youth club had erected a humble monument in his memory a few years ago, its subsequent neglect accurately reflected the general indifference towards Roy's legacy.
My dip into the newspaper archive was prompted by Kavitha Rao's recent book,
Spies, Lies and Allies: The Extraordinary Lives of Chatto and Roy
, where she paints vivid portraits of Virendranath Chattopadhyay (1880-1937) and M.N. Roy, two extraordinary lives that ran parallel through times of hope and turbulence. I wanted to think through two premises that animate Rao's project: first, that 'Chatto" and Roy were, in scholar Sudipta Kaviraj's words, 'magnificent failures"; second, that they are forgotten figures.
Without lapsing into vague relativism, what could be the parameters for defining success or failure in these realms? And how do we identify the public—or indeed publics—which remembers, forgets and re-learns about such figures from history?
With a self-conscious hat-tip to Frederick Forsyth's political thriller,
The Day of the Jackal
, Rao begins
Spies, Lies and Allies
with a man facing a firing squad. Her setting is Moscow, on 2 September 1937. Chatto, one of over 700,000 political opponents to be killed during Stalin's infamous purge, had been described by journalist and 'triple agent" Agnes Smedley as 'a revolutionary in a dozen different ways." Rao speculates evocatively about what must have been passing through Chatto's mind: his happy childhood, his homeland to which he had not returned in decades, his travels and travails in different parts of Europe at a singularly volatile time in history. Or did he think enviously, Rao wonders, 'of his fellow revolutionary, the dashing and charismatic M.N. Roy", who had, by securing Lenin's friendship, beaten Chatto in achieving his dream?
The two parallel lives are traced in alternating chapters. Chatto's begins at their family home in Hyderabad, where secularism and learning were held in high regard. Drawing primarily on the memoirs of his siblings, the freedom fighter Sarojini Naidu and poet and actor Harindranath Chattopadhyay, the chapter focuses on the patriarch, Aghorenath, rather than Chatto. The notable exception is the initial episode, where notorious British police officer Charles Tegart ransacks their house in search of a compromising letter from Chatto.
Roy's early days are told primarily through the region's political climate, reflected in the revolutionary zeal of figures like 'Bagha" Jatin, or Jatindranath Mukherjee. (The first chapters refer to Roy by his birth name, Narendranath Bhattacharya, which he changed after landing in the US while on the run.) Compared to her portrayal of the Chatto household, Rao's sketch of the Bengal landscape feels less immersive, despite being politically charged, perhaps owing to the nature of the archive the author relies on.
One notices three distinct movements in the book. The first, beginning with the protagonists' youth, goes on to trace their formative years into the mid-1910s. These are marked by a distinct note of optimism, as Chatto and Roy encounter a fascinating cast of characters and collectives in their attempts to secure help for India's anti-colonial struggle.
Chatto's path takes us to India House in London, where he meets its founder, Shyamji Krishna Varma, and a young V.D. Savarkar, among others, while Roy travels east to Japan, only to be disappointed by fellow revolutionary activist Rashbehari Bose's uncritical faith in Japan. A thrilling cat-and-mouse game ensues when Roy, on his way to China to secure arms from the German embassy, is tailed by the British police. Unable to convict him, they advise: 'There are many revolutions in these parts. Stay away from them."
In the second movement, both Chatto and Roy begin to find footholds in unlikely political networks during and in the aftermath of World War I. Chatto begins to operate out of Berlin, where, aided by German lawyer and diplomat Max von Oppenheim, he becomes involved with the Berlin Committee (later, the Indian Independence Committee), and has a brush with the pan-Islamist movement.
I found the chapter on Agnes Smedley one of the most nuanced in the book, as it opens up to scrutiny the problematic gender dynamics within revolutionary spaces from the perspective of a person with her own share of complexities. In fact, the book has a number of well-crafted cameos, like Bhikaji Cama, Jack Johnson and Oppenheim. The alternative vantage points afforded by these inclusions allows us to see the two protagonists from different perspectives and perhaps, more significantly, sheds light on a frenetic internationalist moment of many potential solidarities, which often falls by the wayside in mainstream narratives of India's freedom movement.
Meanwhile, Roy, thinly disguised as a Tamil student on his way to Paris, lands in New York, amid a 'teeming nest of Indian revolutionaries". A question from the audience at a public lecture by Lala Lajpat Rai prompts him to reassess his understanding of Indian independence: was the discourse around independence overlooking the hope of a truly revolutionary class struggle? Rao describes Roy's dive into Marxist philosophy at the New York Public library and his involvement with the Ghadar Movement, leading to his arrest in 1917.
The journey continues in revolutionary Mexico, where Roy meets Mikhail Borodin a couple of years later. This 'internationalist" phase sees him representing the Mexican Communist Party at the 1920 Comintern (or IIIrd International), and founding a Communist Party of India in Tashkent, along with Abani Mukherjei and others.
The pace becomes feverish in the third movement, as a frantic race to secure Russian support for the Indian cause ensues. Roy beats Chatto to secure Lenin's support, although he disagrees with the latter's insistence on working with the Indian National Congress (INC). Roy eventually meets Stalin and ends up on a doomed mission to China with Borodin, from which he escapes narrowly. Chatto, who had hoped that the INC would work with workers' and peasants' organisations, finds his relations with Jawaharlal Nehru failing disastrously. Nehru, believing Chatto to be unmoored from the ground reality, favoured INC solidarity above all else. Roy would return to India and spend over five years in jail, before founding his new philosophy of Radical Humanism. Chatto would face the firing squad eventually, unbeknownst even to his family and friends.
Rao's positioning of these two charismatic individuals as forgotten figures piqued my curiosity because, in my experience, Roy is a household name within left-leaning or indeed politically aware circles in India. (Roy even had his own first day cover in 1987.) So is Chatto, though to a lesser degree. How then do we understand the amnesia around them in their native village, in their family or, for that matter, within mainstream political discourses?
Despite their commitment and brilliance, Roy and Chatto have fallen between the cracks of narratives that later coalesced as 'history" in the public imagination. They were conducting their own experiments with truth as—to recall Antonio Gramsci's words—the old world lay dying and a new one was struggling to be born. Their faith in ideas, ideals and ideological solidarities may have seemed justified at the time but the nationalist movement in India took its own course, particularly in the aftermath of World War II, which got in the way of their vision bearing fruit in the political realm. Rao's book, which speaks disparagingly of Nehru and M.K. Gandhi's 'mealy-mouthed compromises with the British" intervenes by carving out a space for two forgotten individuals within public history.
Read as two biographies, it leaves one wishing for a deeper dive into the people themselves, but through the juxtaposition of the lives, Rao achieves a good deal more. The book is a reminder of those phases in history that are pregnant with the possibility of multiple worlds; what becomes the 'public" narrative is retroactively constructed from the vantage point of the new world that emerges eventually, often at the cost of other memories. It is that forgetting which Rao sets out to address here.
While her admirable effort did leave me wondering if a closer engagement with primary archives (alongside autobiographies, biographies and scholarly work) could have made the history feel more tangible,
Spies, Lies and Allies
succeeds in establishing the importance of including those who 'failed" and were 'forgotten" within the grand narrative of the nationalist movement.
Sujaan Mukherjee is a Kolkata-based researcher, translator and curator.
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VS versus EMS Achuthanandan's ideological clarity meant that when Namboodiripad came around to Raghavan's view on doing business with parties such as Indian Union Muslim League (IUML) and the Church-backed Kerala Congress, he steadfastly held on to it. This was even after he narrowly missed out on being the chief minister in 1991 when Nayanar called for early elections to coincide with the Lok Sabha polls. A consensus was reached to switch the roles of Nayanar and Achuthanandan beforehand. The CPI (M)'s overconfidence was driven by its sweep of the district council polls, but Rajiv Gandhi's assassination swung that election in favour of the Congress. VS always found himself at one end of the factionalism in the Kerala unit of the CPI (M) that took root in the early nineties and ebbed and flowed until 2016. 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Why CM Pinarayi Vijayan has staked all in Nilambur Mararikulam loss & Vetti-nirathal All these factors contributed to Achuthanandan's shock loss in Mararikulam in 1996, which thwarted his second shot at chief ministership. In the ensuing CPI (M) state committee, Namboodripad and the CITU faction backed Susheela Gopalan as chief minister. However, VS combined with the 'Kannur lobby' to orchestrate Nayanar's ascension, assisted by Pinarayi Vijayan. But that was hardly a consolation for Achuthanandan, who vowed to decimate the CITU faction. A showdown was set for the CPI (M) state conference in 1998. Vetti-nirathal (slaughter)–that's how most vernacular dailies of Kerala described the events that transpired at Palakkad. The term 'vetti-nirathal' owed its origin to the anti-reclamation stir launched by the Kerala State Karshaka Thozhilali Union—the CPI (M)'s farm workers' outfit—under Achuthanandan's leadership at Kuttanad in 1996-97. The modus operandi involved Marxist cadres going berserk destroying plantain and tapioca crops at will in farms. The CITU faction was almost entirely culled from the CPI (M) state committee in Palakkad, leading to the losses of veterans Lawrence, and among others. Namboodiripad took it up with the central leadership, although he passed away in 1998 before the 16th Party Congress that year in Calcutta. Achuthanandan took over as Left Convener when a humiliated Lawrence stepped down, and his clout within the CPI (M) was at its peak at this point. Recasting anew In 2001, the Congress made a comeback, and VS took over as Leader of Opposition (LoP) for a second time. Even before that his loyalists zeroed in on Malampuzha as a safe seat for the veteran. The chant 'Kanne Karale VS-se' (VS, our eye-liver-kidney) made its debut during this campaign. The 78-year-old underwent a complete change of image now, resonating with a fresh generation of voters. Achuthanandan was particularly vocal on gender issues, rights of the marginalised and environment. His anti-corruption crusade complemented it further. Not since earned the sobriquet 'Pavangalude Padathalavan' (leader of the poor masses) had a communist leader endeared himself to Kerala's public so much. However, this phase heralded Achuthanadan's bitter rivalry with Vijayan, who became another power centre after assuming the role of state secretary in 1998. The next episode in factionalism tumbled out in public during the Kannur state conference in 2002. This manifested as a clash of ideologies between the Marxist-Leninist ideals represented by VS and the revisionist line of Vijayan. This phase witnessed another realignment within the CPI (M) unit as VS made truce with a weakened CITU faction for outmanoeuvring Vijayan. Ahead of the Malappuram state conference in 2005, Achuthanandan was supremely confident of replacing Vijayan with his nominee as state secretary, but that was not to be. Many leaders who professed loyalty to VS switched camps overnight and it was the veteran's turn to be vanquished. He, however, still held sway over the party in districts like Ernakulam, Pathanamthitta, Kasaragod and Palakkad, even if Alappuzha and Idukki came under Vijayan's grasp. His humiliation at the state conference only bolstered his image in public. A section of Kerala's media, inadvertently or otherwise, played a role in elevating VS as a paragon of virtues, casting Vijayan as the villain of the piece. Vijayan's arrogant ways did not help his cause either, and this gradually built up to the showdown in 2006 when VS was denied a seat. By then Vijayan had a firm ally in CPI (M) general secretary Prakash Karat. In an impromptu expression of solidarity, Marxist cadres took to the streets demanding that VS be fielded. The huge public outcry and fear of electoral setback forced CPI (M)'s hand and the politburo met to overturn the decision. Achuthanandan was instrumental in getting the central leadership to veto Vijayan's proposal to ally with the Democratic Indira Congress ahead of that election. Notwithstanding that, the Left's victory in 2006, registering almost 50 percent vote share, was its most authoritative since 1967. Vijayan attempted to thwart Achuthanandan's chief ministership even after the historical win by putting forth the name of Left convener Paloli Muhammed Kutty instead. But, the central leadership backed VS for the post that he missed twice. That didn't prevent the state unit under Vijayan from clipping the wings of VS, first by taking the home portfolio away from him and reposing it with the former's trusted loyalist, Kodiyeri Balakrishnan. Even the Vigilance portfolio was also taken away on account of fears that he would settle scores. The party under Vijayan kept the CM on a short leash, even controlling the day-to-day functioning of the government. VS could not even nominate his loyalists as private secretary, and any government file was within Vijayan's reach. That did not prevent him from running an efficient administration, and the term was marked by significant legislations of the kind the Left hadn't undertaken since the '80s, including the Kerala Conservation of Paddy Land and Wetland Act, 2008, a logical conclusion to Achuthanandan-initiated aforementioned Vetti-nirathal. Meanwhile, factionalism was at its peak after the Kottayam state conference in 2008 when Vijayan at the concluding event shouted at the cadres 'to not behave as if Usha Uthup's music show was underway', visibly peeved at the sloganeering in favour of VS. Also Read: Now at steering wheel, MA Baby has to navigate the believers' road, Pinarayi's grip on CPI(M) Denial of mandate in 2011 At the height of factionalism in 2009, VS snubbed the Vijayan-led Nava Kerala March preceding the Lok Sabha elections, until the concluding event held in Thiruvananthapuram. Vijayan's jibe at VS by likening him to a bucket of water unlike the waves formed in the ocean, was a sharp rejoinder to the veteran. Achuthanandan hit back at Vijayan by drawing comparison with Mikhail Gorbachev and the revisionist practices leading to the Soviet Union's fall. When VS publicly disowned Vijayan on the SNC-Lavalin case–going against the state committee's decision to back Vijayan–it was deemed breach of party discipline, resulting in his removal from the CPI (M) politburo in 2009. Vijayan was spared of any action, with Karat backing the Kannur strongman all the way. Achuthanandan was never reinstated to the CPI (M)'s highest body. According to the likes of N. Venu, who floated the splinter Revolutionary Marxist Party (RMP) along with in 2008, VS was flirting with the idea of splitting the party during this phase. This has also been echoed by the likes of Nair and others who willed VS to chart a new course, but it was a bridge too far for the veteran who bent the rules never to break them. There were overtures also from the CPI but Achuthanandan was always careful of his legacy. VS saw how the likes of and Raghavan faded to relative insignificance after charting independent courses. In 2011, the Achuthanandan government lost the Kerala elections by a wafer-thin margin of 68-72. There have been covert and overt barbs of internal sabotage aimed at Vijayan for that outcome since then, most recently when Achuthanandan's ministerial colleague conveyed it through a poem in Kalakaumudi weekly. Achuthanandan got a third term as the LoP, lasting until 2016. His final term as Kerala LoP was no less eventful. The brutal hacking of RMP's Chandrasekharan, a VS loyalist, in 2012 further widened the rift with Vijayan. When the media sought his comment following the dastardly attack on Chandrasekharan, Vijayan doubled down by stating that 'a traitor is always a traitor'. Notwithstanding the party's embargo on visiting the slain leader's home, VS called on Chandrasekharan's widow (now, the MLA from Vadakara) and consoled her under the glare of television cameras. That day, 6 June, was a crucial one, as a by-election was underway in Neyyattinkara. VS described Chandrasekharan as a 'courageous communist', unlike Vijayan's inhuman remark. By the time the 2014 Lok Sabha election got underway, the dissipation of the VS faction in the Kerala unit was complete, and the Alappuzha state conference in 2015 saw Vijayan's domination peak. Walk-out from Alappuzha conference When a charge sheet listing Achuthananthan's transgressions was read out by Vijayan while presenting the organisational report, and a number of delegates spoke out against the Marxist veteran in a seemingly orchestrated exercise, VS left the venue in a huff. He did not return, even after Kodiyeri Balakrishnan–who took over as state secretary in 2015–tried damage control by sending former loyalists and Pillai as emissaries, to pacify him. Many saw it as symbolic of the parting of ways, but the veteran knew that he wasn't expendable for the CPI (M) until the 2016 election was won. It also helped that Sitaram Yechury, who always had a soft corner for VS, replaced Karat as the party general secretary. In 2016, VS led the Left electoral campaign. The party used the 92-year-old as its mascot and, in a way, it was his way of paying back the CPI (M). Fittingly, the Left front registered a resounding 91-seat victory in the 140-member Kerala Assembly. His aura suffered a jolt when television cameras caught him handing over a note to Yechury at the swearing-in of Vijayan demanding his rehabilitation as chairperson of the Administrative Council with Cabinet rank. The appointment of his son Kumar as assistant director of The Institute of Human Resources Development (IHRD) during his term as CM was another instance of the veteran failing to walk his lofty talk. Achuthanandan faded out from the public within a year of Vijayan's first term, even if he had promised to play the role of a Kavalal, or guard, in 2016. He wasn't keeping good health and did not campaign in 2019. The stroke VS suffered in 2020 along with the onset of Covid meant that he remained completely cut off from Kerala's public sphere. Single-minded pursuit, vengeance Achuthananthan never adopted a quid pro quo approach to political rivals, and was non-compromising in that respect. The antipathy did not necessarily affect personal equations, but he took the legal route to seek convictions in corruption cases. It was his personal crusade that ensured the conviction of Kerala Congress stalwart R. Balakrishna Pillai in the Edamalayar case, which, to this date, remains the only conviction of a Kerala politician in a corruption case. Former Kerala police chief Jacob Punnoose once revealed how Achuthanandan issued a verbal order to the then Crime Branch chief Vinson to arrest IUML's in the Ice-cream parlour scandal on the eve of the 2011 election. Paul had refused to carry out the order pending a written order from the CM. Like Chanakya's vow of vengeance, VS was known to exact vengeance on his rivals. He was as much a practitioner of realpolitik in the '80s and '90s as Pinarayi Vijayan is today. Apart from the infamous culling of the CITU faction, the way he dealt with even minor acts of defiance or indiscipline as state secretary would not tally with the public image that he is bestowed with today. CPI (M) stalwarts Pillai, A.P. Kurian, and even EMS Namboodiripad found themselves at the receiving end of Achuthanandan's disciplinary sword. It may not have led to political murders, but that is probably because VS hailed from Alappuzha and not Kannur. Achuthanandan was renowned for tit-for-tat political retorts. When Rahul Gandhi raked up his advanced age in the 2011 poll campaign, VS hit back at the Gandhi scion by dubbing him an 'Amul baby'. His war of words with Vijayan ran like a political soap opera for a decade. A theatrical orator, Achuthanandan had an electrifying effect on the audience. People came from far and wide to listen to his speeches. He had developed a distinct style of modulating words and sentences, which he attributed to his legacy of interactions with farm workers in Kuttanad. At the height of factionalism, even leaders firmly aligned to the Vijayan camp sought him out for their electoral campaigns. VS was a hero of the working class—unlike EMS Namboodiripad, born landlord calling himself the 'adopted son of the working class', or Vijayan, described by 'Berlin' Kunhanandan Nair as the 'adopted son of the capitalist class'. His reinvention from a hardliner to a mass leader to become a popular chief minister will always remain his abiding memory. Some politicians live long enough to become a villain or to witness their hard-earned legacy tarnished. In Achuthanandan's case, it may not be far-fetched to surmise that he hung around long enough to have political sainthood conferred upon him. (Edited by Tony Rai) Also Read: Nilambur isn't Kerala. UDF must look beyond Muslim votes to win 2026 polls

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