Defining antisemitism is no threat to free speech. Without a definition, we are adrift
Thirty-plus democratic governments, the European Parliament, the UN secretary-general, and tech giants such as Meta, have endorsed or incorporated the definition. Australia's special envoy to combat antisemitism, Jillian Segal, grounded her national plan released this month in the same wording, citing a 316 per cent surge in antisemitic incidents.
All 39 Australian universities have endorsed or adopted a similar version to the IHRA definition. The universities do not include some of the IHRA's specific examples of antisemitism but do refer directly to criticism of Zionism as potentially being antisemitic, unlike the IHRA definition, which does not mention Zionism.
The definition has become the world standard because it provides 11 practical illustrations that police, teachers and human rights watchdogs can map onto real-world cases – swastikas on playgrounds, synagogue bomb threats, or, yes, demonisation of Israel when it slips into Nazi analogies.
Since Segal released her plan, there have been several recurring objections:
'It chills free speech.' Amnesty International warns the plan 'threatens people's rights to freedom of expression and assembly'.
'It stifles criticism of the Israeli government.' Labor MP Ed Husic has said the 'definition instantly brings into question whether or not people will be able to raise their concerns of the actions, for example, of what the Netanyahu government is doing in Gaza.'
'It will be weaponised to defund universities and media.' Headlines warn of an 'inappropriate definition' used to strip funding from institutions.
'Weaponising antisemitism insists on the exceptionalism of the Jewish community'. Some argue that the 'Jewish establishment' is insidious in using antisemitism for nefarious ends.
At first blush, these arguments sound like principled liberal concerns. Probe a little and they dissolve into a curious double standard that leaves every minority except Jews entitled to define the hatred they face.
Why the 'free speech' objection misfires is because the IHRA definition is diagnostic, not punitive. The document itself states it is 'non-legally binding.' No one is jailed for foot-faulting it.
While the special envoy has called for punitive action if patterned institutional antisemitism is not dealt with, the IHRA definition itself does not demand sanction. It is a working guide to what anti-Jewish racism looks like.
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He said Australia needed "energy abundance" and noted state governments were "looking to extend the life of coal-fired power stations." Climate and Energy Minister Chris Bowen said both parties had gone to the election with a commitment to net zero and that "now the Coalition, held hostage by Barnaby Joyce and Michael McCormack, has walked away from that commitment." "Even Peter Dutton backed net zero," Mr Bowen said. Climate Council chief executive Amanda McKenzie described Mr Joyce's push to repeal net zero as " disgraceful, delusional, and totally out of step with the Parliament and the country." "It's a stunt and it'll be swiftly squashed in Federal Parliament." Nationals MP Barnaby Joyce insists that he's not railing against the science of climate change. As the former deputy prime minister prepares to table a private member's bill to abolish Australia's net zero by 2050 emissions reduction target, the backbencher says he is squarely focused on advocating for the powerless. In his regional NSW electorate of New England, Mr Joyce tells this masthead, people are suffering with the soaring cost of living, chiefly high electricity prices. "We represent the poorest people, power bills they cannot afford," he said. "Cost of living is beyond them ... Small businesses are saying 'I can no longer afford to run like this, it's just not viable'." Australia's net zero target was no more than "a virtue signal", he said, arguing it would not make a difference in the global scheme of things. "I'm not here to say I deny climate change. It's not about that. It's about what you're doing now is not working," he said. "I want the honest cheapest form of power - and if that's coal, okay, it's coal .. if that is nuclear, it's nuclear," he said, acknowledging a role for renewables, which he calls "intermittent power". Mr Joyce's lastest move, which included giving a joint interview to The Australian with former Nationals leader Michael McCormack - sparking renewed speculation of a leadership challenge - has created a headache for Opposition Leader Sussan Ley as she seeks to reunite a fractured Coalition. She told the ABC when asked about the coverage: "Nobody's getting under my skin." Mr Joyce rejected any suggestion his bill was intended to lay the groundwork for a leadership challenge to Nationals Leader David Littleproud. "People are trying to attack me on this net zero, so they throw in red herrings," he told this masthead. "It's about him going for leadership. No, it's not." Ms Ley on Wednesday declined to recommit to net zero, saying only that the Coalition's review of policies it took to the election was probing the commitment through an energy working group led by opposition spokesman Dan Tehan. 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Nationals senator Matt Canavan said: "We need to tell Australian people that if we want to keep these jobs, we want to keep these industries, we actually have to return to a planet called reality and stop and stop telling ourselves fairy tales that we can keep these jobs while still pursuing these fantastical objectives." Mr Tehan told Sky on Wednesday: "We can reconcile this, and we can work through it like we always do." He said Australia needed "energy abundance" and noted state governments were "looking to extend the life of coal-fired power stations." Climate and Energy Minister Chris Bowen said both parties had gone to the election with a commitment to net zero and that "now the Coalition, held hostage by Barnaby Joyce and Michael McCormack, has walked away from that commitment." "Even Peter Dutton backed net zero," Mr Bowen said. Climate Council chief executive Amanda McKenzie described Mr Joyce's push to repeal net zero as " disgraceful, delusional, and totally out of step with the Parliament and the country." "It's a stunt and it'll be swiftly squashed in Federal Parliament." Nationals MP Barnaby Joyce insists that he's not railing against the science of climate change. As the former deputy prime minister prepares to table a private member's bill to abolish Australia's net zero by 2050 emissions reduction target, the backbencher says he is squarely focused on advocating for the powerless. In his regional NSW electorate of New England, Mr Joyce tells this masthead, people are suffering with the soaring cost of living, chiefly high electricity prices. "We represent the poorest people, power bills they cannot afford," he said. "Cost of living is beyond them ... Small businesses are saying 'I can no longer afford to run like this, it's just not viable'." Australia's net zero target was no more than "a virtue signal", he said, arguing it would not make a difference in the global scheme of things. "I'm not here to say I deny climate change. It's not about that. It's about what you're doing now is not working," he said. "I want the honest cheapest form of power - and if that's coal, okay, it's coal .. if that is nuclear, it's nuclear," he said, acknowledging a role for renewables, which he calls "intermittent power". Mr Joyce's lastest move, which included giving a joint interview to The Australian with former Nationals leader Michael McCormack - sparking renewed speculation of a leadership challenge - has created a headache for Opposition Leader Sussan Ley as she seeks to reunite a fractured Coalition. She told the ABC when asked about the coverage: "Nobody's getting under my skin." Mr Joyce rejected any suggestion his bill was intended to lay the groundwork for a leadership challenge to Nationals Leader David Littleproud. 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He said Australia needed "energy abundance" and noted state governments were "looking to extend the life of coal-fired power stations." Climate and Energy Minister Chris Bowen said both parties had gone to the election with a commitment to net zero and that "now the Coalition, held hostage by Barnaby Joyce and Michael McCormack, has walked away from that commitment." "Even Peter Dutton backed net zero," Mr Bowen said. Climate Council chief executive Amanda McKenzie described Mr Joyce's push to repeal net zero as " disgraceful, delusional, and totally out of step with the Parliament and the country." "It's a stunt and it'll be swiftly squashed in Federal Parliament."
The Advertiser
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Why BlueFloat's demise is just the beginning, not the end of offshore wind
The news that Spanish energy company BlueFloat bailed on its $10 billion Gippsland offshore wind proposal, has triggered a chorus of people (mostly anti-offshore wind proponents) heralding the end of the industry before it's even begun. Although I don't know about the particulars of BlueFloat's exact situation, which also impacted plans for the Illawarra, as an offshore wind consultant I do know a lot about the process of getting these projects up generally. That's why I can confidently say this actually is just the beginning. This is a new industry for Australia and whenever you do something new for the first time it's like making a pancake, the first one is never quite perfect. Energy-intensive industries like minerals mining and metals manufacturing will be the big winners from offshore wind. There is a reason these industries are co-located with coal-fired power stations historically, and why the offshore wind zones have been designated in these same regions - Gippsland, Illawarra, Hunter. With offshore wind, Australia is looking to capitalise on the growing global demand for green metals. For the Illawarra, that's steel made with renewable energy. Prime Minister Anthony Albanese's decision to host a meeting between Australian iron ore miners and Chinese steelmakers during his visit to China last week shows that our leaders are attuned to the economic potential of green metals. Why green metals? Europe, with Asia soon to follow, has introduced a "carbon border adjustment mechanism" which acts as a tax on polluting industries. What this means is the high-pollution products we currently export will become uncompetitive in the next 10 to 20 years. To replace those export losses, Australia needs to adapt and focus on producing green exports. Our customers are changing their habits, so we must change our offerings. If you owned a doughnut shop and all your customers started demanding cream-filled rather than jam-filled doughnuts you wouldn't keep pushing jam-filled doughnuts. You would switch to cream-filled, otherwise you'd go out of business. So how exactly do we get from here to there? Well there are three main hoops that developers need to jump through to make it happen: The Australian offshore wind market has some unique conditions, for example in the Illawarra it means floating wind technology is needed which is still relatively new. Therefore it's OK to have some delays - it allows Europe and Asia to make the mistakes for us to learn from, and bring industrial costs down for us. But Australia can't afford to wait too long as our polluting exports become less and less viable, we need to pivot to green exports to secure the long-lasting careers that keep communities together. Offshore wind is not just about meeting current energy needs, it will offer export stability; giving local kids the chance to build a life in the place they grew up and earn good money without leaving the region they love. That's why strong community engagement and clear support from both the federal and state government - via an offtake auction pathway - is so important. The news that Spanish energy company BlueFloat bailed on its $10 billion Gippsland offshore wind proposal, has triggered a chorus of people (mostly anti-offshore wind proponents) heralding the end of the industry before it's even begun. Although I don't know about the particulars of BlueFloat's exact situation, which also impacted plans for the Illawarra, as an offshore wind consultant I do know a lot about the process of getting these projects up generally. That's why I can confidently say this actually is just the beginning. This is a new industry for Australia and whenever you do something new for the first time it's like making a pancake, the first one is never quite perfect. Energy-intensive industries like minerals mining and metals manufacturing will be the big winners from offshore wind. There is a reason these industries are co-located with coal-fired power stations historically, and why the offshore wind zones have been designated in these same regions - Gippsland, Illawarra, Hunter. With offshore wind, Australia is looking to capitalise on the growing global demand for green metals. For the Illawarra, that's steel made with renewable energy. Prime Minister Anthony Albanese's decision to host a meeting between Australian iron ore miners and Chinese steelmakers during his visit to China last week shows that our leaders are attuned to the economic potential of green metals. Why green metals? Europe, with Asia soon to follow, has introduced a "carbon border adjustment mechanism" which acts as a tax on polluting industries. What this means is the high-pollution products we currently export will become uncompetitive in the next 10 to 20 years. To replace those export losses, Australia needs to adapt and focus on producing green exports. Our customers are changing their habits, so we must change our offerings. If you owned a doughnut shop and all your customers started demanding cream-filled rather than jam-filled doughnuts you wouldn't keep pushing jam-filled doughnuts. You would switch to cream-filled, otherwise you'd go out of business. So how exactly do we get from here to there? Well there are three main hoops that developers need to jump through to make it happen: The Australian offshore wind market has some unique conditions, for example in the Illawarra it means floating wind technology is needed which is still relatively new. Therefore it's OK to have some delays - it allows Europe and Asia to make the mistakes for us to learn from, and bring industrial costs down for us. But Australia can't afford to wait too long as our polluting exports become less and less viable, we need to pivot to green exports to secure the long-lasting careers that keep communities together. Offshore wind is not just about meeting current energy needs, it will offer export stability; giving local kids the chance to build a life in the place they grew up and earn good money without leaving the region they love. That's why strong community engagement and clear support from both the federal and state government - via an offtake auction pathway - is so important. The news that Spanish energy company BlueFloat bailed on its $10 billion Gippsland offshore wind proposal, has triggered a chorus of people (mostly anti-offshore wind proponents) heralding the end of the industry before it's even begun. Although I don't know about the particulars of BlueFloat's exact situation, which also impacted plans for the Illawarra, as an offshore wind consultant I do know a lot about the process of getting these projects up generally. That's why I can confidently say this actually is just the beginning. This is a new industry for Australia and whenever you do something new for the first time it's like making a pancake, the first one is never quite perfect. Energy-intensive industries like minerals mining and metals manufacturing will be the big winners from offshore wind. There is a reason these industries are co-located with coal-fired power stations historically, and why the offshore wind zones have been designated in these same regions - Gippsland, Illawarra, Hunter. With offshore wind, Australia is looking to capitalise on the growing global demand for green metals. For the Illawarra, that's steel made with renewable energy. Prime Minister Anthony Albanese's decision to host a meeting between Australian iron ore miners and Chinese steelmakers during his visit to China last week shows that our leaders are attuned to the economic potential of green metals. Why green metals? Europe, with Asia soon to follow, has introduced a "carbon border adjustment mechanism" which acts as a tax on polluting industries. What this means is the high-pollution products we currently export will become uncompetitive in the next 10 to 20 years. To replace those export losses, Australia needs to adapt and focus on producing green exports. Our customers are changing their habits, so we must change our offerings. If you owned a doughnut shop and all your customers started demanding cream-filled rather than jam-filled doughnuts you wouldn't keep pushing jam-filled doughnuts. You would switch to cream-filled, otherwise you'd go out of business. So how exactly do we get from here to there? Well there are three main hoops that developers need to jump through to make it happen: The Australian offshore wind market has some unique conditions, for example in the Illawarra it means floating wind technology is needed which is still relatively new. Therefore it's OK to have some delays - it allows Europe and Asia to make the mistakes for us to learn from, and bring industrial costs down for us. But Australia can't afford to wait too long as our polluting exports become less and less viable, we need to pivot to green exports to secure the long-lasting careers that keep communities together. Offshore wind is not just about meeting current energy needs, it will offer export stability; giving local kids the chance to build a life in the place they grew up and earn good money without leaving the region they love. That's why strong community engagement and clear support from both the federal and state government - via an offtake auction pathway - is so important. The news that Spanish energy company BlueFloat bailed on its $10 billion Gippsland offshore wind proposal, has triggered a chorus of people (mostly anti-offshore wind proponents) heralding the end of the industry before it's even begun. Although I don't know about the particulars of BlueFloat's exact situation, which also impacted plans for the Illawarra, as an offshore wind consultant I do know a lot about the process of getting these projects up generally. That's why I can confidently say this actually is just the beginning. This is a new industry for Australia and whenever you do something new for the first time it's like making a pancake, the first one is never quite perfect. Energy-intensive industries like minerals mining and metals manufacturing will be the big winners from offshore wind. There is a reason these industries are co-located with coal-fired power stations historically, and why the offshore wind zones have been designated in these same regions - Gippsland, Illawarra, Hunter. With offshore wind, Australia is looking to capitalise on the growing global demand for green metals. For the Illawarra, that's steel made with renewable energy. Prime Minister Anthony Albanese's decision to host a meeting between Australian iron ore miners and Chinese steelmakers during his visit to China last week shows that our leaders are attuned to the economic potential of green metals. Why green metals? Europe, with Asia soon to follow, has introduced a "carbon border adjustment mechanism" which acts as a tax on polluting industries. What this means is the high-pollution products we currently export will become uncompetitive in the next 10 to 20 years. To replace those export losses, Australia needs to adapt and focus on producing green exports. Our customers are changing their habits, so we must change our offerings. If you owned a doughnut shop and all your customers started demanding cream-filled rather than jam-filled doughnuts you wouldn't keep pushing jam-filled doughnuts. You would switch to cream-filled, otherwise you'd go out of business. So how exactly do we get from here to there? Well there are three main hoops that developers need to jump through to make it happen: The Australian offshore wind market has some unique conditions, for example in the Illawarra it means floating wind technology is needed which is still relatively new. Therefore it's OK to have some delays - it allows Europe and Asia to make the mistakes for us to learn from, and bring industrial costs down for us. But Australia can't afford to wait too long as our polluting exports become less and less viable, we need to pivot to green exports to secure the long-lasting careers that keep communities together. Offshore wind is not just about meeting current energy needs, it will offer export stability; giving local kids the chance to build a life in the place they grew up and earn good money without leaving the region they love. That's why strong community engagement and clear support from both the federal and state government - via an offtake auction pathway - is so important.
The Advertiser
an hour ago
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Ex-PM Morrison urges strong US alliances over China
US alliances and partnerships must be strengthened to push back against Chinese economic coercion, former Australian prime minister Scott Morrison has told a US congressional panel. "This is as true in the economic sphere as it is in the security sphere," Morrison said in a rare appearance by a country's former leader before Congress. He shared with the House Select Committee on China his experience of coping with the country's trade punishments - including restrictions on imports of Australian wine, barley and more - when his government called for an independent inquiry into the origin of COVID-19. Morrison, who was prime minister from 2018 to 2022, said US allies and partners can be tapped to build an alternative supply chain of rare earths, used in technology such as smartphones. For such alliances and partnerships to work, "there has to be a strong core, and that requires a strong America," he said. US alliances and partnerships must be strengthened to push back against Chinese economic coercion, former Australian prime minister Scott Morrison has told a US congressional panel. "This is as true in the economic sphere as it is in the security sphere," Morrison said in a rare appearance by a country's former leader before Congress. He shared with the House Select Committee on China his experience of coping with the country's trade punishments - including restrictions on imports of Australian wine, barley and more - when his government called for an independent inquiry into the origin of COVID-19. Morrison, who was prime minister from 2018 to 2022, said US allies and partners can be tapped to build an alternative supply chain of rare earths, used in technology such as smartphones. For such alliances and partnerships to work, "there has to be a strong core, and that requires a strong America," he said. US alliances and partnerships must be strengthened to push back against Chinese economic coercion, former Australian prime minister Scott Morrison has told a US congressional panel. "This is as true in the economic sphere as it is in the security sphere," Morrison said in a rare appearance by a country's former leader before Congress. He shared with the House Select Committee on China his experience of coping with the country's trade punishments - including restrictions on imports of Australian wine, barley and more - when his government called for an independent inquiry into the origin of COVID-19. Morrison, who was prime minister from 2018 to 2022, said US allies and partners can be tapped to build an alternative supply chain of rare earths, used in technology such as smartphones. For such alliances and partnerships to work, "there has to be a strong core, and that requires a strong America," he said. US alliances and partnerships must be strengthened to push back against Chinese economic coercion, former Australian prime minister Scott Morrison has told a US congressional panel. "This is as true in the economic sphere as it is in the security sphere," Morrison said in a rare appearance by a country's former leader before Congress. He shared with the House Select Committee on China his experience of coping with the country's trade punishments - including restrictions on imports of Australian wine, barley and more - when his government called for an independent inquiry into the origin of COVID-19. Morrison, who was prime minister from 2018 to 2022, said US allies and partners can be tapped to build an alternative supply chain of rare earths, used in technology such as smartphones. For such alliances and partnerships to work, "there has to be a strong core, and that requires a strong America," he said.
