
M'sia urges ASEAN to propose media plans under Plus Three framework
Communications Ministry Secretary-General Datuk Mohamad Fauzi Md Isa, in his presentation at the 22nd ASEAN Senior Officials Meeting Responsible for Information (SOMRI) and Related Meetings, revealed that no projects have been implemented to date under the ASEAN Plus Three Work Plan on Cooperation Through Information and Media (2018–2025).
'We encourage all ASEAN State Members to take advantage of this support mechanism by proposing impactful and collaborative projects.
'Let us explore project opportunities that could strengthen media capacity, promote digital transformation and deepen cooperation with our Plus Three partners,' he said.
Meanwhile, he said ASEAN-China cooperation has completed eight projects based on the strategic framework that was established under the ASEAN-China Cooperation, Work Plan on Enhancing ASEAN-China Cooperation through Information and Media 2018-2025.
Among the projects completed were, 2024 'ASEAN Partners' Media Cooperation Forum, The 6th ASEAN-China Media Week and 2024 ASEAN-China Internet Spring Festival Gala.
This includes Audio-Visual Program Dubbing and Broadcasting Project, led by Guangxi Radio and Television, together with RTM Malaysia, Cambodia's national television, and Vietnam Television.
'The Work Plan on Enhancing ASEAN-China Cooperation through Information and Media was extended to the year 2025. This was endorsed at the 20th SOMRI and 16th AMRI in September 2023 in Da Nang, Vietnam.
'The extension helps align this work plan with other major ASEAN documents, including the ASCC Blueprint 2025 and the ASEAN Communication Master Plan II,' he said.
Mohamad Fauzi said ASEAN and China at the 27th ASEAN-China Summit in October 2024 issued joint statements calling for closer people-to-people ties and stronger media cooperation, including content sharing, co-productions, and countering disinformation.
He said ASEAN and China, in a separate joint statements from the summit, reaffirmed their commitment to building a sustainable digital ecosystem by promoting infrastructure, 5G, AI, digital security, and inclusive digital transformation across sectors such as manufacturing and agriculture.
Meanwhile, Mohamad Fauzi, in his intervention, announced that the 4th Meeting of the ASEAN Task Force on Fake News (ASEAN TFFN) will be held virtually on July 23, while the 10th SOMRI Working Group on Information, Media and Training (10th SOMRI WG-IMT) is scheduled to take place from Oct 5 to 8, this year, in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia.
Earlier, the SOMRI Plenary Session began with welcoming remarks by Brunei's Permanent Secretary, Civil Service Governance Division, Prime Ministers Office Ajman Meludin.
In his speech, Ajman said the theme 'MAJU-Media Advancing Joint Understanding: Transforming Media's Role in Advancing Cooperation and Mutual Understanding in ASEAN', reflect the grouping intent to affirm the purpose of SOMRI while adapting to the current global and geopolitical landscape.
'So far, we have made significant progress such as refining the rule of law, enhancing the capacity of journalists, supporting government efforts in digital transformation, and ensuring inclusive and safe information exchange has be made so far.
'Therefore, in this SOMRI, I seek your kind views and inputs for productive discussions under this theme, which we hope will not just have a profound impact on this year's outcomes but also be another milestone for SOMRI to build on in the future,' he said.
The session also saw the handover of the SOMRI chair from Vietnam to Brunei.
Mohamad Fauzi is leading the Malaysian delegation to SOMRI, held here from May 5 to 6.
Also included in the Malaysian delegation are Information Department (JaPen) Communications and Community Development Service Division director Muhammad Najmi Mustapha and Malaysian Communications and Multimedia Commission (MCMC) Head of International Affairs Division Norhani Mohamad Adzhar.
The delegation also include MCMC Director II (ASEAN and Bilateral) Fatin Nabiha Ab Aziz, Malaysian National News Agency (Bernama) Executive Editor for International News Service Mohd Shukri Ishak; Deputy Director, Policy and Research at RTM Reza Shahriman Othman as well as other high-ranking officials from the Communications Ministry and its agencies.
The two-day SOMRI began prior to the 17th AMRI which will officially open on May 7. The Malaysian delegation to AMRI will be led by Deputy Communications Minister Teo Nie Ching.
Tomorrow, SOMRI will continue with the 8th SOMRI Plus Three (China, Japan and South Korea) and 5th SOMRI Plus Japan Meeting.
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The Star
33 minutes ago
- The Star
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Malay Mail
an hour ago
- Malay Mail
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Asean's silence in the face of provocation is not always surrender; it is sometimes the only viable way to keep lines of communication open when more forceful approaches would slam them shut. This is where back-channel diplomacy comes into play. It allows Asean states to convey their discontent, concerns, or proposals discreetly. It enables dialogue when formal avenues are blocked. It also enables member states to preserve unity even when they disagree internally. The real work of diplomacy, in such moments, happens far from microphones and cameras. Myanmar: The case for quiet tenacity One of the most pressing examples is Myanmar. Since the 2021 military coup, Asean's formal mechanisms have struggled to engage the junta meaningfully. Public commitments have been ignored or undermined and attempts to dispatch envoys have met roadblocks. Yet the crisis continues to affect the credibility of the region — and the lives of millions. In such a scenario, back-channel diplomacy is not just helpful — it is indispensable. Regional actors have engaged the regime not through loud pronouncements but through quiet visits, confidential dialogues, and the use of respected intermediaries. This includes religious leaders, retired generals, and former diplomats who, while not speaking officially, carry enough stature to be taken seriously. These unofficial engagements are often the only way to negotiate humanitarian access, facilitate de-escalation, or push for incremental confidence-building. When no one else can talk, someone must still listen — and nudge. The value of personal trust networks What enables these efforts to function is not institutional power but personal trust. Southeast Asia has long operated on the strength of relationships: old classmates in government, retired military officers with transnational bonds, scholars who are quietly respected across borders. These relationships become the scaffolding upon which back-channel diplomacy is built. They allow officials — active or retired — to float ideas informally, share warnings discreetly, and explore compromise without political cost. If a proposal fails, it vanishes with no public embarrassment. If it works, it can be elevated to the formal track with minimum friction. This diplomatic informality is not a sign of disorganization. On the contrary, it reflects a high degree of regional maturity — an understanding that trust, not treaties, is often what prevents conflict. Asean is often criticized for being too slow, too soft, or too silent. But this criticism stems from a misreading of its behaviour. What looks like passivity is often a calculated refusal to escalate, provoke, or humiliate. — Picture by Yusof Mat Isa Back channel diplomacy in a region of shifting standards Back-channel diplomacy becomes even more critical at a time when the return of great power competition is accompanied by a troubling duality: one standard for the powerful, and another for everyone else. When rules-based international order is selectively applied — or outright ignored — Asean cannot afford to rely solely on formal mechanisms that move too slowly for fast-unfolding crises. In the absence of credible enforcement of international norms, and with the law of the jungle gaining preponderance, Asean must quietly but consistently find ways to de-escalate tensions, protect its cohesion, and preserve regional autonomy. One recent cautionary tale, however, reminds us that while back-channel diplomacy is necessary, it must also be conducted with care and supervision. 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It requires structure, oversight, and credible interlocutors — what might be called policy sherpas — to navigate sensitive files before they escalate. Whether they operate through Track 1.5 dialogues, Track 2 consultations, or confidential political envoys, these sherpas can help test solutions, clear misunderstandings, and build pathways for official action. Asean needs more of them, not fewer. Informality is Asean's quiet instrument of agency In a region as politically diverse and historically fragmented as Southeast Asia, formal diplomacy is often constrained by divergent national interests. What can't be said officially still needs to be communicated. Back-channel diplomacy provides that space. It gives Asean the room to manoeuvre, to clarify misunderstandings, and to avoid unintended escalation. This informal diplomacy also serves another critical function: it prevents external actors from monopolizing the regional narrative. In a world where external powers routinely seek to divide Asean for their own strategic ends, back-channel engagements among member states help ensure a minimum baseline of unity and coordination — even if it remains invisible to outsiders. Rethinking what success looks like Western observers often measure diplomatic success by visible breakthroughs: peace treaties, televised summits, signed declarations. But in Asean's context, success is sometimes best measured by what doesn't happen: crises that don't escalate, provocations that don't trigger retaliation, and situations that don't spiral out of control. Back-channel diplomacy contributes directly to this kind of quiet stability. It prevents issues from hardening into stalemates. It allows countries to test each other's intentions without making irreversible moves. And it provides an escape route from the paralysis of unanimity when formal consensus is elusive. Conclusion: The strength of stillness Asean's style may be quiet, but it is not dormant. Its preference for back-channel diplomacy is neither accidental nor incidental. It is a reflection of the region's hard-won understanding of what works — and what doesn't — in a complex geopolitical theatre. To mistake silence for inaction is to misread the language of diplomacy in Southeast Asia. Back-channel diplomacy is not a retreat. It is a recalibration. It is a way of navigating constraints, preserving unity, and preventing collapse without spectacle. In the end, diplomacy is about outcomes, not optics. And in that quiet corner where official scripts cannot go, Asean's strength lies in its ability to whisper when the world expects it to shout. * Phar Kim Beng is a professor of Asean Studies and Director of the Institute of Internationalization and Asean Studies at the International Islamic University of Malaysia ** This is the personal opinion of the writer or publication and does not necessarily represent the views of Malay Mail.


New Straits Times
an hour ago
- New Straits Times
Malaysia urges stronger Asean training ties to future-proof regional workforce
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