See photos of the National Guard confronting protesters in Los Angeles
ALEX WELSH/NYT
A protester with a Mexican flag stands near authorities in riot gear in Paramount, Calif.
MARK ABRAMSON/NYT
A federal agent agent with members of the California National Guard near protesters, whose reflection is visible in his helmet visor, in downtown Los Angeles on Sunday.
GABRIELA BHASKAR/NYT
Federal agents and members of the California National Guard stand in front of protesters in downtown Los Angeles.
GABRIELA BHASKAR/NYT
Members of the California National Guard stand outside the Edward R. Roybal Federal Building in downtown Los Angeles.
PHILIP CHEUNG/NYT
A protester shouts to US National Guard deployed in downtown Los Angeles.
Eric Thayer/Associated Press
Members of the California National Guard stand outside the Edward R. Roybal Federal Building in downtown Los Angeles.
PHILIP CHEUNG/NYT
US Representative Maxine Waters speaks to the US National Guard in downtown Los Angeles.
Eric Thayer/Associated Press
US National Guard stand their line in the metropolitan detention center of downtown Los Angeles.
Eric Thayer/Associated Press
A protester confronts a line of US National Guard in the metropolitan detention center of downtown Los Angeles.
Eric Thayer/Associated Press
Smoke rises as protesters clash with members of the California National Guard in downtown Los Angeles.
GABRIELA BHASKAR/NYT
Members of the California National Guard deploy tear gas to protesters in downtown Los Angeles.
GABRIELA BHASKAR/NYT
Smoke rises as protesters clash with members of the California National Guard in downtown Los Angeles.
GABRIELA BHASKAR/NYT
Protestors against immigration raids march toward downtown Los Angeles on June 08 in Los Angeles.
Mario Tama/Getty
Protestors against immigration raids march toward downtown Los Angeles on June 08.
Mario Tama/Getty
Protestors against immigration raids march toward downtown Los Angeles on June 08.
Mario Tama/Getty
National Guard soldiers stand guard as protestors gather outside the Metropolitan Detention Center.
Mario Tama/Getty
Protestors against immigration raids march toward downtown Los Angeles on June 08.
Mario Tama/Getty
Protestors against immigration raids march toward downtown Los Angeles on June 08.
Mario Tama/Getty
Protestors are seen among smoke as confrontation with National Guard soldiers and US Department of Homeland Security (DHS) Police officers, take place outside the Metropolitan Detention Center.
FREDERIC J. BROWN/AFP via Getty Images
Protestors are seen among smoke as confrontation with National Guard soldiers and US Department of Homeland Security (DHS) Police officers, take place outside the Metropolitan Detention Center, MDC.
FREDERIC J. BROWN/AFP via Getty Images
Immigration rights supporters and protesters confront with National Guard soldiers and US Department of Homeland Security (DHS) Police officers, outside the Metropolitan Detention Center, MDC.
FREDERIC J. BROWN/AFP via Getty Images
National Guard troops stand outside the Metropolitan Detention Center, MDC on June 08.
Spencer Platt/Photographer: Spencer Platt/Gett
National Guard soldiers and US Department of Homeland Security (DHS) Police officers clash with demonstrators outside the Metropolitan Detention Center, MDC.
FREDERIC J. BROWN/AFP via Getty Images
National Guard soldiers and US Department of Homeland Security (DHS) Police officers clash with demonstrators outside the Metropolitan Detention Center, MDC.
FREDERIC J. BROWN/AFP via Getty Images
National Guard soldiers stand guard alongside federal officers as protestors gather outside the Metropolitan Detention Center, MDC.
Spencer Platt/Getty
Protesters stand off with National Guard soldiers and police outside the Metropolitan Detention Center, MDC on June 08.
Spencer Platt/Getty
National Guard soldiers stand guard alongside federal officers as protestors gather outside the Metropolitan Detention Center, MDC.
Spencer Platt/Getty
Protesters stand off with National Guard soldiers and police outside the Metropolitan Detention Center, MDC on June 08.
Spencer Platt/Getty
Protesters stand off with National Guard soldiers and police outside the Metropolitan Detention Center, MDC on June 08.
Spencer Platt/Getty
Protesters stand off with National Guard soldiers and police outside the Metropolitan Detention Center, MDC on June 08.
Spencer Platt/Getty
US Department of Homeland Security Police officers and members of the National Guard stand guard outside the Metropolitan Detention Center, MDC.
FREDERIC J. BROWN/AFP via Getty Images
California National Guard members at the Paramount Business Center in Paramount, Calif.
ALEX WELSH/NYT
Members of the National Guard stand guard outside the Metropolitan Detention Center, MDC, in downtown Los Angeles.
FREDERIC J. BROWN/AFP via Getty Images
Members of the National Guard stand guard outside the Metropolitan Detention Center, MDC, in downtown Los Angeles.
FREDERIC J. BROWN/AFP via Getty Images
Members of the National Guard stand guard outside the Metropolitan Detention Center, MDC in downtown Los Angeles.
FREDERIC J. BROWN/AFP via Getty Images
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Boston Globe
5 hours ago
- Boston Globe
How redistricting in Texas and other states could change US House elections
Advertisement Other states are waiting to see what Texas does and whether to follow suit. Get Starting Point A guide through the most important stories of the morning, delivered Monday through Friday. Enter Email Sign Up The rules of redistricting can be vague and variable; each state has its own set of rules and procedures. Politicians are gauging what voters will tolerate when it comes to politically motivated mapmaking. Here's what to know about the rules of congressional redistricting: When does redistricting normally happen? Every decade, the Census Bureau collects population data used to divide the 435 House seats among the 50 states based on the updated head count. It's a process known as reapportionment. States that grew relative to others might gain a seat at the expense of those whose populations stagnated or declined. States use their own procedures to draw lines for the assigned number of districts. The smallest states receive just one representative, which means the entire state is a single congressional district. Advertisement Some state constitutions require independent commissions to devise the political boundaries or to advise the legislature. When legislatures take the lead, lawmakers can risk drawing lines that end up challenged in court, usually for violating the Voting Rights Act. Mapmakers can get another chance to resubmit new maps. Sometimes, judges draw the maps on their own. California Governor Gavin Newsom in Sacramento after meeting with Texas lawmakers to push back on that state's redistricting maneuver that aims to tilt the outcome of the 2026 midterm elections. Justin Sullivan/Getty Is midcycle redistricting allowed? By the first midterm elections after the latest population count, each state is ready with its maps, but those districts do not always stick. Courts can find that the political lines are unconstitutional. There is no national impediment to a state trying to redraw districts in the middle of the decade and to do it for political reasons, such as increasing representation by the party in power. 'The laws about redistricting just say you have to redistrict after every census,' Spencer said. 'And then some state legislatures got a little clever and said, well it doesn't say we can't do it more.' Some states do have laws that would prevent midcycle redistricting or make it difficult to do so in a way that benefits one party. Gov. Gavin Newsom, D-Calif., has threatened to retaliate against the GOP push in Texas by drawing more favorable Democratic seats in his state. That goal, however, is complicated by a constitutional amendment that requires an independent commission to lead the process. Is Texas' effort unprecedented? Texas has done it before. When the Legislature failed to agree on a redistricting plan after the 2000 census, a federal court stepped in with its own map. Republican Tom DeLay of Texas, who was then the U.S. House majority leader, thought his state should have five more districts friendly to his party. 'I'm the majority leader and we want more seats,′′ he said at the time. Advertisement Statehouse Democrats protested by fleeing to Oklahoma, depriving the Legislature of enough votes to officially conduct any business. But DeLay eventually got his way, and Republicans replaced Democrats in five seats in 2004. What do the courts say about gerrymandering? In 2019, the Supreme Court ruled that federal courts should not get involved in debates over political gerrymandering, the practice of drawing districts for partisan gain. In that decision, Chief Justice John Roberts said redistricting is " highly partisan by any measure. " But courts may demand new maps if they believe the congressional boundaries dilute the votes of a racial minority group, in violation of the Voting Rights Act. Could other states follow suit? Washington Rep. Suzan DelBene, who leads House Democrats' campaign arm, indicated at a Christian Science Monitor event that if Texas follows through on passing new maps, Democratic-led states would look at their own political lines. 'If they go down this path, absolutely folks are going to respond across the country,' DelBene said. 'We're not going to be sitting back with one hand tied behind our back while Republicans try to undermine voices of the American people.' In New York, Democratic Gov. Kathy Hochul recently joined Newsom in expressing openness to taking up mid-decade redistricting. But state laws mandating independent commissions or blunting the ability to gerrymander would come into play. Among Republican-led states, Ohio could try to further expand the 10-5 edge that the GOP holds in the House delegation; a quirk in state law requires Ohio to redraw its maps before the 2026 midterms. Advertisement Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis said he was considering early redistricting and 'working through what that would look like.'
The Hill
5 hours ago
- The Hill
Would a weaker dollar be a good thing for the US?
The strength of the U.S. dollar influences trade, inflation and investment, but as President Trump noted Friday, the currency's power comes with trade-offs. 'I'm a person that likes a strong dollar, but a weak dollar makes you a hell of a lot more money,' Trump told reporters Friday. The president added that a strong dollar helps keep inflation in check and feels good psychologically, but argued, 'You can't sell anything.' His mixed messaging highlights tension policymakers have long grappled with: There isn't a simple connection between the strength of a country's currency and the strength of its economy. On one hand, a strong dollar makes imported goods cheaper for American consumers, but on the other, a weaker dollar makes U.S. products more competitive abroad, benefiting exporters. What does it mean when the dollar is strong vs. weak? The dollar is considered strong when it rises in value against other currencies, as measured by the exchange rate. If a dollar can buy more of another currency than before, that means it's getting stronger relative to that currency. Tourists notice this when traveling abroad and exchanging money. Earlier this year, the U.S. dollar and the euro were nearly at parity, or worth practically the same. Today, $1 is worth about 0.85 euros, meaning Americans visiting Italy will notice they get fewer euros in exchange for their dollars than just a few months ago. In that sense, the dollar has weakened relative to the euro. But the value of the U.S. dollar — and other currencies — is constantly changing due to supply and demand, shaped by factors like monetary policy, inflation and investor sentiment. The dollar has been weakening recently, falling more than 10 percent in the first half of the year when compared to a basket of currencies from major U.S. trading partners. The last time the dollar weakened this much at the start of the year was 1973, according to The New York Times. What are the advantages of a strong dollar? American tourists get more value for their money abroad when the dollar is strong, but you don't have to leave the country to experience the upside. One of the main benefits is that it lowers the cost of imports, making foreign products cheaper for consumers. But shoppers buying Mexican tequila and Canadian maple syrup aren't the only ones who come out ahead — a strong dollar also lowers input costs for businesses that rely on imports, easing inflationary pressures. A U.S. automaker importing parts from Mexico would pay fewer dollars for the same peso-priced components when the dollar strengthens against the peso. Lower input costs for U.S. companies put pressure on foreign competitors to cut prices to stay competitive, another potential win for American consumers. More broadly, as the world's primary reserve currency, a strong dollar projects global confidence and reinforces trust in the U.S. financial system. It's often seen as a sign of economic strength. 'When we have a strong dollar, one thing happens — it sounds good,' Trump told reporters Friday. What are the disadvantages of a strong dollar? A strong dollar can hurt American exporters because it makes U.S. goods more expensive in foreign markets. Boeing, for example, exports large numbers of aircraft globally, and when the U.S. dollar strengthens, those planes become more expensive to foreign buyers paying in other currencies. American firms that don't export can also feel the pinch, as they often compete with imports. A strong dollar can make it harder for Made-in-the-USA products to hold their own against cheaper goods from abroad. 'You can't sell tractors, you can't sell trucks, you can't sell anything,' Trump said of a strong dollar on Friday. 'It is good for inflation, that's about it.' While a strong dollar tends to ease U.S. inflationary pressures, it also intensifies inflation abroad — a dynamic that, in today's interconnected global economy, can ultimately be bad for business. Another point: A strong dollar raises the cost of visiting the U.S., which can dampen tourism. In the end, the strength of the dollar is a balancing act, with trade-offs that ripple across the global economy. Whether it helps or hurts depends on where you sit and what you're trying to sell.
Politico
6 hours ago
- Politico
ICE Is Overplaying Its Hand. We've Seen It Happen Before.
Out of this breach emerged the Compromise of 1850, a grand bargain designed to preserve the Union. Under its provisions, California entered the Union as a free state, but the citizens of other former Mexican territories were left to make their own determinations about slavery. Congress abolished the slave trade, but not slavery, in Washington, D.C. And, in return for these concessions, Southern politicians secured what would prove to be the most incendiary component of the deal: the Fugitive Slave Act (FSA) of 1850. The new act inspired widespread disgust throughout the North. The law stripped accused runaways of their right to trial by jury and allowed individual cases to be bumped up from state courts to special federal courts. As an extra incentive to federal commissioners adjudicating such cases, it provided a $10 fee when a defendant was remanded to slavery but only $5 for a finding rendered against the slave owner. Most obnoxious to many Northerners, the law stipulated harsh fines and prison sentences for any citizen who refused to cooperate with or aid federal authorities in the capture of accused fugitives — much in the same way the Trump administration has threatened to jail persons who impede its immigration raids. Before the FSA, formerly enslaved people were able to build lives for themselves in many northern communities. They found homes, took jobs, made friends, started families, formed churches. But after the FSA, they were permanent fugitives — and anyone who employed them, associated with them or provided them housing were accomplices. Early enforcement made immediate martyrs of ordinary people and pierced the illusion that slavery was just a Southern problem. In 1851 federal agents in Boston arrested Thomas Sims, who had escaped enslavement in Georgia, and marched him to a federal courthouse under guard by more than 300 armed soldiers to prevent a rescue. For Boston, a city whose history was steeped in the struggle against King George's standing army, it was an ominous display. Sims' hearing was, just as the law intended, shambolic, and he was ultimately returned to Georgia. (He would later escape a second time during the Civil War.) Want to read more stories like this? POLITICO Weekend delivers gripping reads, smart analysis and a bit of high-minded fun every Friday. Sign up for the newsletter. That same year, Shadrach Minkins, a waiter who had also fled enslavement to Boston, was seized in broad daylight. This time, word traveled fast, and a local 'vigilance committee' — interracial groups formed to monitor and, when necessary, resist enforcement of the fugitive slave law — assembled, with an eye toward liberating the accused man. Awaiting a hearing in federal custody, Minkins was suddenly rescued in a dramatic confrontation witnessed by attorney Richard H. Dana, Jr. 'We heard a shout from across the courthouse,' Dana recalled, 'continued into a yell of triumph, and in an instant after down the steps came two negroes bearing the prisoner between them with his clothes half torn off, and so stupefied by his sudden rescue and the violence of the dragging off that he sat almost dumb, and I thought had fainted. ... It was all done in an instant, too quick to be believed.' Minkins made it to Montreal, where he lived the rest of his life in freedom.
