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'The Apprentice' film about Donald Trump wins big at Canadian awards: 'He effectively forced the industry to freeze out our film'

'The Apprentice' film about Donald Trump wins big at Canadian awards: 'He effectively forced the industry to freeze out our film'

Yahoo02-06-2025
While the team behind the film The Apprentice, starring Sebastian Stan as Donald Trump and Jeremy Strong as Roy Cohn, largely went home from U.S. awards shows empty handed, that wasn't the case in Canada. At the 2025 Canadian Screen Awards, the movie won five awards, Best Motion Picture, Achievement in Make-Up, Achievement in Hair, Performance in a Leading Role, Drama for Stan, and Performance in a Supporting Role, Drama for Strong.
"When Donald heard about our movie, apparently he got a little freaked out and he called us some interesting words. He called us, 'human dumpster fire people' and 'human scum,'" Canadian producer Daniel Bekerman told reporters in Toronto. "But more seriously, he threatened any distributor who would dare to bring this movie out to audiences, and he effectively forced the industry to freeze out our film."
"I think over the last few years, there's been so much discussion about censorship and there's people, including a particular former professor from this city, who is very upset and very mad that they can't say mean and cruel things about some of the most vulnerable people in our society, and they're calling that censorship. But I think I have had a front row scene to what actual censorship is, and that is when the most powerful people in society tell artists and ordinary people what they can and can't say about the people at the top. That's actual censorship."
Bekerman said he felt a real "chill" in the industry around both the release of The Apprentice and possible support for the film.
"A lot of really incredible people fought against that. Someone like Jane Fonda stood up on stage and talked about Sebastian's performance, and how valuable and important it was. That made me so happy," he said.
"The experience with this movie is that institutional entertainment companies really jumped when Donald said jump, that's the truth. And so I feel that in this moment independent storytellers and using the network of international co-productions, there's a lot of fantastic independent storytellers in that network. We are now in a position of almost obligation to tell brave stories, because it's pretty clear that those are not going to be happening in say the mainstream space. So to me, this is the moment for international co-productions, and I think we can do things that no one else can do."
When asked about Trump's recently implemented tariffs and the threat of additional tariffs of films made outside of the U.S., Bekerman sees that through the lens of storytelling.
"My biggest lesson I feel I've learned through this whole process is the truth that I think Donald Trump is actually a genius storyteller," Bekerman said. "He has a very narrow skill set and it's about telling, not just stories in general, a specific story about himself."
"It's about a man with this magical story, about a man with a golden toilet who never loses, who always wins, never ever, ever loses. And he told that for decades, and people started to believe it. Even though he's got multiple bankruptcies, he was such a good storyteller. They ignore that because he's told a compelling story about a protagonist called Donald Trump, and that, to me, is the lens I look at it through. So when he talks about tariffs, I see that as, a chapter in a book, I don't think he writes books actually, but he is trying to push people's emotional buttons. He's not trying to create policy."
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Analysis: Could Trump convince MAGA to support Ukraine?
Analysis: Could Trump convince MAGA to support Ukraine?

CNN

time26 minutes ago

  • CNN

Analysis: Could Trump convince MAGA to support Ukraine?

President Donald Trump made an announcement Monday aligning him more firmly with Ukraine's defense against Russia's invasion than ever before. The US will send weapons to Ukraine through NATO, the president said during a meeting in the Oval Office with NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte. Trump also laid out a new deadline for Russia — threatening trade consequences, including secondary sanctions, if a peace deal isn't reached in 50 days. Even before the weapons announcement, which the president had telegraphed last week, the hawks were celebrating. Republican Sen. Lindsey Graham of South Carolina previewed the announcement Sunday as a 'turning point' and added, 'The game, regarding [Vladimir] Putin's invasion of Russia, is about to change.' Trump's tougher tactic toward Russia – albeit with a 50-day deadline that's much more generous than the 'two weeks' he floated earlier this summer – follows days of him expressing newfound skepticism of Putin's intentions, after years of equivocations and a curiously kid-gloves approach to Russia. But the timing is also far from ideal for Trump, politically speaking. He is already dealing with a backlash from the MAGA base over his administration's botched handling of files related to Jeffrey Epstein. And the base in recent years has steadily moved away from Ukraine. It's too soon to know for sure how this new show of support for Ukraine will play. Will it be like the recent US strikes on Iran, when an initially skeptical MAGA base quickly embraced Trump's move? Or could it be another mark against Trump with his base? It's complicated. It seems quite possible MAGA could again come on board with Trump's approach, in large numbers – as they often have in similar situations. But some of the skepticism of Ukraine is pretty deep-seated. The most recent data show most of the Republican Party base thinks the US government is doing 'too much' to help Ukraine. A March poll from Marquette University Law School showed 59% of Republicans agreed with that sentiment. An earlier poll from Gallup pegged that number at 56%. Only about 1 in 10 Republicans wanted the US to do more. A poll from Reuters and Ipsos around the same time showed Republicans opposed continuing to send weapons and financial aid to Ukraine, 63-34%. A big reason why: Republicans just don't seem to think there is much at stake for the United States in Ukraine. Pew Research Center polling from March showed just 25% of Republican-leaning Americans were 'extremely' or 'very' concerned about Russia defeating Ukraine. Just 29% worried that much about Russia going on to invade other countries. And just 40% regarded Russia as an 'enemy' (down from 69% after Russia's invasion of Ukraine in 2022). The Reuters poll also showed 58% of Republicans tended to agree with the statement that 'the problems of Ukraine are none of our business, and we should not interfere.' Those numbers suggest most of Trump's base would not be on board with a hard pivot toward Ukraine. But that Reuters poll also hinted at how things could shift. For instance, it showed only 17% of Republicans 'strongly' agreed with the sentiment that Ukraine's problems were none of our business. Just 27% strongly opposed continuing to send weapons and financial aid. So most of those who sided against Ukraine weren't completely firm in their views – and could seemingly adjust them. And the data also point to how that could happen. Trump's argument for turning against Putin is essentially that he's not a reliable negotiator or serious about the president's much-desired peace deal. Trump last week decried the Russian leader's 'bullshit,' saying, 'He's very nice all of the time, but it turns out to be meaningless.' Trump has also criticized Russia's ramped-up offensives in recent days and weeks. Russia hawks and Trump's critics have expressed apoplexy that it took him this long to come to that supposed realization. But it's also an argument – Trump gave Putin a chance, but Putin failed to take advantage of it – that could land on the right. The Pew poll, for instance, showed just 27% of Republicans said Putin was committed to a lasting peace with Ukraine. The Gallup survey also got at this. Nearly half of Republicans (48%) were at least 'somewhat' worried that peace deal would be too favorable to Russia, and 69% worried that Russia would violate the terms of any agreement. In other words, there remains a lingering skepticism of Putin on the right that could come to the fore. Yes, only 40% labeled Russia an 'enemy' in that Pew poll, but we've also seen that number much higher very recently. Republicans' views on the war and on Russia have turned on a dime before — always in the direction Trump guided them. But it's also not clear it would happen to the extent it did with the Iran strikes, when a CNN poll after they were launched showed 8 in 10 Republicans approved of Trump's decision. While many Republicans' views on Ukraine appear soft, Trump's non-interventionist allies have spent years cultivating skepticism of Ukraine and its president, Volodymyr Zelensky, often using disinformation. Remember the backlash to Zelensky's Oval Office meeting in February, when Vice President JD Vance seemed to be baiting the Ukrainian president to create a scene, and MAGA turned sharply against Zelensky. These segments of Trump's base are likely more dug in against helping Ukraine than they were against striking Iran – a situation that sprung up rapidly and also allied the US with Israel. To the extent Trump does land firmly in Ukraine's corner, he'll likely bring most of his base with him. But he'll again be challenging a significant portion of his most ardent supporters to question whether this is what they voted for. Stay tuned.

Analysis: Could Trump convince MAGA to support Ukraine?
Analysis: Could Trump convince MAGA to support Ukraine?

CNN

time30 minutes ago

  • CNN

Analysis: Could Trump convince MAGA to support Ukraine?

President Donald Trump made an announcement Monday aligning him more firmly with Ukraine's defense against Russia's invasion than ever before. The US will send weapons to Ukraine through NATO, the president said during a meeting in the Oval Office with NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte. Trump also laid out a new deadline for Russia — threatening trade consequences, including secondary sanctions, if a peace deal isn't reached in 50 days. Even before the weapons announcement, which the president had telegraphed last week, the hawks were celebrating. Republican Sen. Lindsey Graham of South Carolina previewed the announcement Sunday as a 'turning point' and added, 'The game, regarding [Vladimir] Putin's invasion of Russia, is about to change.' Trump's tougher tactic toward Russia – albeit with a 50-day deadline that's much more generous than the 'two weeks' he floated earlier this summer – follows days of him expressing newfound skepticism of Putin's intentions, after years of equivocations and a curiously kid-gloves approach to Russia. But the timing is also far from ideal for Trump, politically speaking. He is already dealing with a backlash from the MAGA base over his administration's botched handling of files related to Jeffrey Epstein. And the base in recent years has steadily moved away from Ukraine. It's too soon to know for sure how this new show of support for Ukraine will play. Will it be like the recent US strikes on Iran, when an initially skeptical MAGA base quickly embraced Trump's move? Or could it be another mark against Trump with his base? It's complicated. It seems quite possible MAGA could again come on board with Trump's approach, in large numbers – as they often have in similar situations. But some of the skepticism of Ukraine is pretty deep-seated. The most recent data show most of the Republican Party base thinks the US government is doing 'too much' to help Ukraine. A March poll from Marquette University Law School showed 59% of Republicans agreed with that sentiment. An earlier poll from Gallup pegged that number at 56%. Only about 1 in 10 Republicans wanted the US to do more. A poll from Reuters and Ipsos around the same time showed Republicans opposed continuing to send weapons and financial aid to Ukraine, 63-34%. A big reason why: Republicans just don't seem to think there is much at stake for the United States in Ukraine. Pew Research Center polling from March showed just 25% of Republican-leaning Americans were 'extremely' or 'very' concerned about Russia defeating Ukraine. Just 29% worried that much about Russia going on to invade other countries. And just 40% regarded Russia as an 'enemy' (down from 69% after Russia's invasion of Ukraine in 2022). The Reuters poll also showed 58% of Republicans tended to agree with the statement that 'the problems of Ukraine are none of our business, and we should not interfere.' Those numbers suggest most of Trump's base would not be on board with a hard pivot toward Ukraine. But that Reuters poll also hinted at how things could shift. For instance, it showed only 17% of Republicans 'strongly' agreed with the sentiment that Ukraine's problems were none of our business. Just 27% strongly opposed continuing to send weapons and financial aid. So most of those who sided against Ukraine weren't completely firm in their views – and could seemingly adjust them. And the data also point to how that could happen. Trump's argument for turning against Putin is essentially that he's not a reliable negotiator or serious about the president's much-desired peace deal. Trump last week decried the Russian leader's 'bullshit,' saying, 'He's very nice all of the time, but it turns out to be meaningless.' Trump has also criticized Russia's ramped-up offensives in recent days and weeks. Russia hawks and Trump's critics have expressed apoplexy that it took him this long to come to that supposed realization. But it's also an argument – Trump gave Putin a chance, but Putin failed to take advantage of it – that could land on the right. The Pew poll, for instance, showed just 27% of Republicans said Putin was committed to a lasting peace with Ukraine. The Gallup survey also got at this. Nearly half of Republicans (48%) were at least 'somewhat' worried that peace deal would be too favorable to Russia, and 69% worried that Russia would violate the terms of any agreement. In other words, there remains a lingering skepticism of Putin on the right that could come to the fore. Yes, only 40% labeled Russia an 'enemy' in that Pew poll, but we've also seen that number much higher very recently. Republicans' views on the war and on Russia have turned on a dime before — always in the direction Trump guided them. But it's also not clear it would happen to the extent it did with the Iran strikes, when a CNN poll after they were launched showed 8 in 10 Republicans approved of Trump's decision. While many Republicans' views on Ukraine appear soft, Trump's non-interventionist allies have spent years cultivating skepticism of Ukraine and its president, Volodymyr Zelensky, often using disinformation. Remember the backlash to Zelensky's Oval Office meeting in February, when Vice President JD Vance seemed to be baiting the Ukrainian president to create a scene, and MAGA turned sharply against Zelensky. These segments of Trump's base are likely more dug in against helping Ukraine than they were against striking Iran – a situation that sprung up rapidly and also allied the US with Israel. To the extent Trump does land firmly in Ukraine's corner, he'll likely bring most of his base with him. But he'll again be challenging a significant portion of his most ardent supporters to question whether this is what they voted for. Stay tuned.

List of US Imports From Russia as Trump Threatens Secondary Tariffs
List of US Imports From Russia as Trump Threatens Secondary Tariffs

Newsweek

time31 minutes ago

  • Newsweek

List of US Imports From Russia as Trump Threatens Secondary Tariffs

Based on facts, either observed and verified firsthand by the reporter, or reported and verified from knowledgeable sources. Newsweek AI is in beta. Translations may contain inaccuracies—please refer to the original content. President Donald Trump issued a warning to Russia on Monday, threatening "very severe tariffs" if a peace agreement to end the war with Ukraine isn't reached within 50 days. Speaking during an Oval Office meeting with NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte, Trump said the new penalties would include "secondary tariffs" designed to target countries and companies that continue doing business with Russia. What We Know: U.S. and Russia Trade U.S. imports from Russia totaled $3 billion in 2024, a 34 percent decrease from the previous year, according to the United States Trade Representative. The drop continues a decline in trade that began following Russia's invasion of Ukraine on February 24, 2022. Data from the U.S. Census Bureau shows that monthly imports from Russia reached a high of $438.5 million in May 2024. While some energy products have disappeared from import lists under sanctions, a small group of critical non-energy commodities, like fertilizers, metals and chemicals, still enter the U.S. from Russia. President Donald Trump shakes the hand of NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte during a meeting in the Oval Office on July 14, 2025, in Washington. President Donald Trump shakes the hand of NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte during a meeting in the Oval Office on July 14, 2025, in Washington. Evan Vucci/AP Trump Threatens 'Secondary Tariffs' for Russia Trump's proposed "secondary tariffs" would likely expand the impact of U.S. sanctions by pressuring third-party nations, like China and Turkey, to stop trading with Russia. Trump's remarks come as Russian strikes on Ukrainian cities have intensified. "We're going to be doing very severe tariffs if we don't have a deal in 50 days," Trump said. "I use trade for a lot of things. But it's great for settling wars." What Does the U.S. Import from Russia? Before sanctions cut off most energy imports, the U.S. relied heavily on Russia for crude oil. In 2024, however, the top U.S. imports included: Fertilizers : Among the most significant remaining imports, fertilizers were the most-imported item to the U.S. from Russia throughout most of 2024, per Statista. : Among the most significant remaining imports, fertilizers were the most-imported item to the U.S. from Russia throughout most of 2024, per Statista. Non-ferrous metals, or metals that do not contain iron like palladium and aluminum, totaled $876.5 million in imports in 2024. or metals that do not contain iron like palladium and aluminum, totaled $876.5 million in imports in 2024. Inorganic Chemicals: Contributed more than $683 million to 2024 import totals. How Much Does the U.S. Export to Russia? U.S. exports to Russia fell to $526 million in 2024, a 12.3 percent drop from 2023, per the United States Trade Representative. The U.S. trade deficit with Russia was $2.5 billion in 2024, a $1.5 billion decrease over 2023. What Happens Next Trump's 50-day deadline for a peace agreement with Ukraine, coupled with the threat of new tariffs could escalate trade restrictions if no progress is made.

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