
Hackers exploit Microsoft flaw to launch global attack
The attack, which unfolded over the past several days, targeted organizations in the US, the EU, China, and Brazil. The hackers leveraged a previously unknown vulnerability that allowed them to steal cryptographic keys, giving them access to sensitive systems even after reboot. The flaw remained undetected despite Microsoft's latest security update just two weeks earlier.
'Anybody who's got a hosted SharePoint server has got a problem,' Adam Meyers of cybersecurity firm CrowdStrike said, describing the issue as 'a significant vulnerability." It was not immediately clear who is behind the hack attack, the Washington Post noted.
Microsoft acknowledged the breach and said it was working with the US Department of Homeland Security and the Department of Defense to contain the damage. As there is currently no fix available, the company advised affected customers to disconnect their servers from the internet.
The latest hack attack adds to a wave of concern about Microsoft's ability to secure its software. One of the world's most entrenched vendors of government software, the company has suffered a series of embarrassing failures over the past two years, including breaches of its corporate networks and the email accounts of top executives.
Governments worldwide have sought to reduce dependence on Western technology providers and assert greater digital sovereignty, not only to guard against cybersecurity risks, but also to shield their digital infrastructure from the geopolitical leverage of the US.
The EU has accelerated efforts to curb reliance on American cloud and AI services, backing domestic alternatives and exploring procurement mandates. China is pursuing a sweeping campaign to replace foreign hardware and software by 2027.
Russia, which views US tech as a national security threat, is developing isolated systems and promoting state-run platforms. Microsoft, which suspended new software sales in Russia following the escalation of the Ukraine conflict in 2022, now offers only limited services in the country.

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Russia Today
2 hours ago
- Russia Today
Brussels plays catch-up with Moscow's post-sanctions economy
The European Union has unveiled its 18th package of sanctions against Russia, a move described by EU foreign policy chief Kaja Kallas as 'one of the strongest packages ever imposed.' That sounds impressive. But while the new measures will undoubtedly cause inconvenience, their real power – especially in 2025 – is more symbolic than strategic. Had these same measures been rolled out in early 2022, the impact might have been severe. At that time, economic interdependence between Russia and the EU remained significant, and the Russian economy was still adjusting to the new reality. But now, three years on, Moscow has adapted. In many sectors, it has learned to operate independently. Increased pressure from Brussels no longer yields proportional damage. Let's begin with the energy sector. One headline measure involves changes to the price cap on Russian oil under EU Council Regulation 833/2014. The ceiling has been lowered from $60 per barrel to $47.60. Western European entities are now banned from trading or transporting Russian oil if the price exceeds that threshold. In 2022, this could have shaken the market. But in 2025, the reality is different: Russian oil is transported via independent channels, with little reliance on EU carriers or brokers. The result is more psychological than practical. Russia's independence in oil logistics has triggered a new round of attacks on its so-called 'shadow fleet.' The 18th package expands the list of banned vessels under EU jurisdiction to 447 tankers. These ships are restricted from accessing EU ports or services. Again, this may cause some logistical friction, but it's far from a game-changer. Russia can and does move oil without Western European help. The occasional tanker seizure in contested waters like the Baltic Sea is unlikely to escalate. After all, that region is patrolled by Russia's Baltic Fleet, which, while modest in size, is more than capable of deterring threats to energy security. Another measure targets refined petroleum products. The EU now bans imports of oil-based products made from Russian crude in third countries. This is clearly aimed at stopping countries like India or Turkey from processing Russian oil and selling the finished products to Western Europe. But the real loser here may not be Russia, but the refiners. These third countries earn significant margins from processing. Cutting off that trade deprives them of profit and incentivizes creative workarounds, such as swapping sources in their reserves or manipulating origin data. As always, enforcement will be tricky. Meanwhile, Brussels has moved to formalize its hostility toward the Nord Stream pipelines. The 18th package bans all transactions related to Nord Stream 1 and 2. Given that both pipelines were sabotaged in 2022 and remain inactive, this is more a symbolic gesture than a substantive move. The idea of future US-Russia cooperation on restoring the lines is also dead in the water, thanks to these new restrictions. The financial sector hasn't been left out either. More Russian banks have been removed from the SWIFT messaging system under Article 5h of Regulation 833/2014, bringing the total to 55. Transactions with these institutions inside EU jurisdiction are now prohibited. Again, this would have mattered in 2022. But by 2025, most affected banks are already under EU or US blocking sanctions. In practice, Western firms avoid them regardless. So this package is more about reinforcing old moves than breaking new ground. Interestingly, the EU has begun applying secondary financial sanctions, similar to Washington's model. Two small Chinese regional banks are now banned from doing business with the EU over ties to Russia's dual-use supply chains. The inclusion of India's Nayara Energy Limited – part-owned by Rosneft – is more notable. This sends a message to companies in Russia-friendly countries: continued involvement with Moscow's energy sector may come at a price. Whether that message lands remains to be seen. The US has wielded similar threats for years with mixed results. Many foreign firms still see Russia as a valuable market, and their calculations depend on risk versus reward. Export controls also feature heavily in the new package. Twenty-six new entities have been added to Annex IV of Regulation 833/2014, which bans them from supplying dual-use goods. Most are small intermediaries, easily replaced. The real damage from export bans was done in 2022 and 2023. There's little left to block that hasn't already been sanctioned. The 18th package includes vague language about tightening controls on re-exports via third countries, but how that will work in practice is unclear. Measure 18 addresses legal disputes, reaffirming the EU's refusal to recognize arbitration court decisions in sanctions-related cases involving Russia. But this is nothing new – it was already part of the 14th package. On the symbolic front, the EU continues to add companies and individuals to its asset freeze list under Regulation 269/2014. As expected, these include defense firms and manufacturers, as well as businesses from China and India accused of supplying Russia with industrial goods. Despite the bold rhetoric from Brussels, there is little in this package that fundamentally alters the landscape. The sanctions may chip away at certain areas, cause headaches for some businesses, and reinforce a hardline stance. But they will not achieve what the previous 17 packages have failed to do: break the backbone of the Russian economy. Russia is not what it was in early 2022. It has adjusted its logistics, diversified its markets, strengthened domestic production, and recalibrated its financial flows. The EU's 18th sanctions package is not insignificant, but to call it one of the 'toughest ever' is an overstatement rooted more in political theater than economic article was first published in Kommersant, and was translated and edited by the RT team.


Russia Today
2 hours ago
- Russia Today
Trump may fast-track sanctions on Russia
New sanctions against Russia and its trade partners could come before a previously declared deadline for settling the Ukraine conflict, US President Donald Trump suggested on Friday. Speaking to reporters outside the White House before embarking on a trip to Scotland, Trump said that secondary sanctions, which would impose tariffs on countries and entities doing business with Russia, could be expedited. 'It could be that we'll have to put secondary sanctions on,' Trump stated. Asked whether the sanctions could materialize before the 50-day deadline to end the Ukraine conflict runs out on September 3, the US president said he could 'maybe' opt to do so. Moscow has previously said that Trump's new sanctions threats serve primarily 'as signals to continue war' for Kiev and urged the US to put pressure on Ukraine instead. Russian Deputy Foreign Minister Sergey Ryabkov said that the 'hypothetical arrival' of secondary sanctions would not impact Moscow's policy and that Russia would 'continue to move along our independent, sovereign, and sustained path.' The US president also insisted a meeting between Russian President Vladimir Putin and Ukraine's leader, Vladimir Zelensky, would eventually happen. Trump did not provide a timeframe on when that might occur. 'It's going to happen. But it should have happened three months ago. It's going to happen,' he told reporters. Moscow has insisted that a potential Putin-Zelensky meeting should only deal with final agreements rather than preliminary discussions. Speaking to reporters earlier on Friday, Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov said that the groundwork had to be laid first. 'A summit meeting can and should put a final point in the settlement and record the modalities and agreements that are to be developed in the course of expert work. It is impossible to do the opposite,' Peskov stressed.


Russia Today
3 hours ago
- Russia Today
German armed forces look to teens to close recruitment gap
The German Defense Ministry wants 40,000 new recruits a year by 2031, Der Tagesspiegel reported on Thursday, citing informed sources. Teenagers may be called up to serve if volunteers cannot fill the gap, the newspaper said. Sources in the ministry told the outlet that the initial aim would be to boost the number of volunteers for the army reserves starting next year. If contract soldiers are not enough to fill the quota, Berlin would reintroduce mandatory conscription for 18-year-olds from 2028, defense officials said. The ministry will present a draft bill on the changes to the cabinet in August, which will then move to the parliament for approval. The project aims to boost volunteer numbers from 15,000 this year by 3,000-5,000 annually, offering pay rises, driver's license subsidies, and bonuses as incentives, according to Der Tagesspiegel. From 2027, all young men and female volunteers would complete military questionnaires assessing their interest in joining the German armed forces. Suitable candidates would undergo voluntary medical checks, the aim of which would be to provide a 'situational overview' of their health suitability, broadcaster ZDF said. Germany has repeatedly debated whether or not to return to conscription, which was suspended in 2011. Along with other EU countries, it moved to revamp its military readiness after the Ukraine conflict escalated in February 2022. In March, European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen floated a proposal to marshal €800 billion ($914 billion) in debt and tax incentives to re-arm the EU in the face of what she described as a 'Russian threat.' Moscow has repeatedly dismissed such claims as 'nonsense.' German Chancellor Friedrich Merz has vowed to make the Bundeswehr the 'strongest army' on the continent. In neighboring France, President Emmanuel Macron has proposed reviving voluntary national service to increase the number of reservists from 40,000 to 100,000 within a decade, while ruling out the reinstatement of the draft.