Damning environmental scorecard as NSW abandons old Net Zero Plan
NSW is on track to miss greenhouse gas targets, its inland rivers are dying, land clearing is rampant, and the number of threatened species has increased, according to a damning new report card on the state's environmental performance.
The Minns government will scrap the Net Zero Plan it inherited from the Coalition and write a new one to meet legally mandated reductions of 50 per cent by 2030, 70 per cent by 2035 and net zero by 2050. At present, it is expected to meet 46 per cent in 2030 and 62 per cent in 2035, according to the Net Zero Emissions Dashboard updated on Thursday.
The 2035 outlook is now worse than it was a year ago when the NSW government first revealed it was on track to miss the targets.
Minister for Climate Change and Environment Penny Sharpe said the new Net Zero Plan would take a sector-by-sector approach to decarbonisation, with input from all relevant portfolio ministers for the first time.
'The previous Net Zero Plan was done in 2020 and the numbers that were used were best-case scenario. A lot has changed since then,' Sharpe said. 'Our new plan will take in the latest information and help us reach the targets that the Minns government enshrined in law.'
In parliament on Thursday, Sharpe tabled the NSW Environment Protection Authority's statutory State of the Environment report, which comes out every three years, and also the whole-of-government response to the Net Zero Commission's first annual report released in November 2024.
The 676-page State of the Environment report reveals a devastating decline since the last report in 2021, and the capacity of NSW ecosystems to sustain life has been slashed to 29 per cent of its natural level since colonisation.
Eighteen species of animals were added to the threatened species list since 2021, and 18 species of plants since 2020. The population and distribution of native mammals, birds and fish, and the impact of invasive species were all moderate to poor and getting worse. Without effective management, only half of the 657 plant species and half of the 991 land animal species listed as threatened are predicted to survive in 100 years' time, the report says.
'The government does not shy away from the grim reports on the environment,' Sharpe said. 'I am focused on turning this around. Action on the energy transition, biodiversity and law reform to better protect the environment is under way. Turning the dial will take time and we are honest about that.'
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Sky News AU
3 hours ago
- Sky News AU
Barnaby Joyce says ‘bipartisan concern' in US about PM meeting Trump
A Coalition heavyweight has called on Anthony Albanese to lock in a meeting with Donald Trump after two of the staunchest supporters of the US-Australia alliance urged the Prime Minister to visit Washington. Six months have passed since Mr Trump's inauguration and Mr Albanese is yet to secure an in-person meeting with the US President. Australian producers have been slugged with tariffs on most exports to the US, including duties of up to 50 per cent on steel and aluminium, and doubts loom large about the Trump administration's commitment to AUKUS. The Albanese government has also made Australia an outlier in the West on defence spending, refusing to budge after Washington's request to hike it to 3.5 per cent of GDP amid alarm bells over China's military build-up. Speaking to Australian media, Republican representative Michael McCaul and Democrat colleague Joe Courtney said Mr Albanese would benefit from a one-on-one with Mr Trump. 'For (Albanese) to come to the White House would be a great gesture on the Prime Minister's part, that I think would go over very well,' Mr McCaul told the Australian Financial Review. 'That would be very sound advice for him to do that.' Mr McCaul and Mr Courtney are co-chairs of a congressional working group on AUKUS, which the Trump administration is reviewing. Asked about the comments on Monday, Social Services Minister Tanya Plibersek said she was 'sure the Prime Minister's very much looking forward to' meeting Mr Trump. 'We're awaiting confirmation of a suitable time, and I'm sure when that confirmation comes through, the Prime Minister will be very happy to visit Washington,' she told Seven's Sunrise. 'He's had a number of calls with President Trump.' Ms Plibersek noted there had been numerous meetings at the ministerial level, including Foreign Minister Penny Wong's upcoming Quad summit in Washington. She also praised Australia's ambassador, Kevin Rudd. 'Ambassador Rudd … is the Energiser Bunny of diplomacy,' Ms Plibersek said. 'He will be meeting with all of the members of the congress and Senate and people close to Donald Trump. 'There's a lot of communication going on both ways, but it's not the sort of thing where you just pop in with a plate of scones, hoping someone's home.' But appearing opposite the senior minister, Nationals MP Barnaby Joyce took a different view. He said the approach was not good enough. 'Ambassador Rudd might be the Energiser Bunny, but he hasn't energised a meeting between President Trump and the Prime Minister of Australia,' Mr Joyce said. 'We've gotta do that. When two people either side of the political fence in the United States say 'you better get over here' – they've obviously got a genuine bipartisan concern.' He also blasted Mr Albanese for having 'four meetings with the leader of China but no meetings with the President of the United States'. Mr Albanese is finalising details for his state visit to China mid next month. It will be his fourth meeting with Xi Jinping since winning power in 2022. Asked at an early morning press conference if a meeting with Mr Trump was in the works, Mr Albanese replied: 'Yes.' Originally published as 'Genuine bipartisan concern' in US about when PM will meet Donald Trump, Barnaby Joyce says
The Advertiser
4 hours ago
- The Advertiser
Sussan Ley can be a circuit-breaker ... if the Libs allow her to be
Long the overlooked understudy, Sussan Ley remains cautiously Delphic about her plans to rebuild the Liberal Party. But don't let that fool you. For years, she's been watching and learning from the "big beasts" of conservative certainty: Tony Abbott, Malcolm Turnbull, Scott Morrison and Peter Dutton - men "destined to rule". These chaps are now all gone from politics - each, in the end, having made more opponents than supporters. Categorically, Ley is not "of" this phenotype. Which is why her plans to resuscitate the flatlining party begin with what not to say when communicating internally with MPs and externally with voters. Self-evidently, Ley can be a circuit-breaker ... if they allow her to be. Already, her vanquished rival, Angus Taylor is publicly opposing the suggestion of rule changes to select women for winnable seats. He calls affirmative action "undemocratic" knowing full well how that cruels her pitch. Some people might make the same observation about Liberal factions. Or the enforcement of shadow cabinet solidarity. Some might even say that opposing quotas is a strange mound to die on for "liberals" after ascending the mountainous debt of government-funded-and-operated nuclear power. In any event, it is hard to recall an instance when Dutton was so publicly countermanded. Despite a margin of just four votes over Taylor in last month's leadership ballot, what Ley envisions simply must be bold - closer to a rebuild than a renovation - albeit, while keeping the heritage-listed facade - let's call it "mid-century Menzies"? For all that, Ley knows she must hasten slowly. Reading between the lines, she wants to get back to basics, steer back to the mainstream. This would involve concentrating political contest around the traditional differences with Labor over managerial competence, budget and economic discipline, defence and national security, business deregulation and aspiration. Her "sealed section" might also include an end to the climate wars and the formal adoption of quotas to get women in Parliament - about which she is "agnostic". She describes all this as "meeting Australians where they are", which sounds as harmless as it does overdue. But for a punchy party addicted to the sugar-hit gratifications of culture wars, it is a correction likely to adduce plenty of Trumpian malcontents. On the plus side, Ley has a bona fide crisis to fix. The Coalition she has inherited needs a 75 per cent increase in seats to reach a majority in 2028. And virtually all of those gains must come in the cities, where the anti-woke, anti-renewables and anti-metro vibes from Dutton and the Nationals have basically killed the brand. "We didn't just lose, we got smashed, totally smashed," Ley told the National Press Club on Wednesday. "Over two elections, the Coalition has lost 33 seats in the House of Representatives. We've lost eight seats in the Senate. "Our primary vote has fallen by more than 9 per cent in the House. Our two-party-preferred vote is down more than 6 per cent, and we now hold just two of 43 inner-metro seats and seven of 45 outer-metro seats." Take that! Simply by acknowledging the scale of her party's descent, Ley showed more grit and empiricism than Dutton ever did. The "hardman" drafted unopposed after Morrison surrendered six Liberal jewels to female community candidates in 2022, had preferred to revile rather than resolve the "gender-quake" that had just levelled his party's blue-ribbon heartlands. Morrison had scoffed at the "cafes, dinner parties and wine bars of the inner-cities," but instead of disowning such bone-headed insults, Dutton doubled down, never hiding his contempt for the teals and for their voters. It was a declaration of war, with women generally and with the affluent Australians on whom the Liberal Party was built. Yet nobody in the party room (Ley included) spoke up at the time. MORE MARK KENNY: In her first month as leader, however, Ley has already done more soul-searching and more listening than her predecessors undertook in eight years. In the aftermath of a thrashing, she prefers John Howard's folksy wisdom that the Australian voters got it right. Thus, she says openly that a Liberal majority requires some or all of the teal seats. That Ley's was the first Press Club address by a Liberal leader in three years simply underscored what an odd, divisive unit Dutton had been. That it was the first address to the club by a female opposition leader (from either side) also made it historic. Of course, this was also smart internal politics. It cemented on the record that the 2025 rout belonged as much to the abrasive rhetoric and policies Dutton espoused as to his poor standing. Ley needs her MPs to accept that future success begins with recognising how far the Coalition has drifted from the mainstream voter. Modernisation is not a choice but a necessity. The scale of this task will be rendered visually next month when Ley faces Anthony Albanese across the dispatch boxes in Parliament. With 94 seats, Labor MPs will extend well around the horseshoe while, behind Ley, will sit a rump comprising less than half of Labor's holding and just five Liberal women. Dutton made the basic error of moving further rightward because Albanese had colonised the centre-ground. It is not a mistake Ley plans on repeating. Long the overlooked understudy, Sussan Ley remains cautiously Delphic about her plans to rebuild the Liberal Party. But don't let that fool you. For years, she's been watching and learning from the "big beasts" of conservative certainty: Tony Abbott, Malcolm Turnbull, Scott Morrison and Peter Dutton - men "destined to rule". These chaps are now all gone from politics - each, in the end, having made more opponents than supporters. Categorically, Ley is not "of" this phenotype. Which is why her plans to resuscitate the flatlining party begin with what not to say when communicating internally with MPs and externally with voters. Self-evidently, Ley can be a circuit-breaker ... if they allow her to be. Already, her vanquished rival, Angus Taylor is publicly opposing the suggestion of rule changes to select women for winnable seats. He calls affirmative action "undemocratic" knowing full well how that cruels her pitch. Some people might make the same observation about Liberal factions. Or the enforcement of shadow cabinet solidarity. Some might even say that opposing quotas is a strange mound to die on for "liberals" after ascending the mountainous debt of government-funded-and-operated nuclear power. In any event, it is hard to recall an instance when Dutton was so publicly countermanded. Despite a margin of just four votes over Taylor in last month's leadership ballot, what Ley envisions simply must be bold - closer to a rebuild than a renovation - albeit, while keeping the heritage-listed facade - let's call it "mid-century Menzies"? For all that, Ley knows she must hasten slowly. Reading between the lines, she wants to get back to basics, steer back to the mainstream. This would involve concentrating political contest around the traditional differences with Labor over managerial competence, budget and economic discipline, defence and national security, business deregulation and aspiration. Her "sealed section" might also include an end to the climate wars and the formal adoption of quotas to get women in Parliament - about which she is "agnostic". She describes all this as "meeting Australians where they are", which sounds as harmless as it does overdue. But for a punchy party addicted to the sugar-hit gratifications of culture wars, it is a correction likely to adduce plenty of Trumpian malcontents. On the plus side, Ley has a bona fide crisis to fix. The Coalition she has inherited needs a 75 per cent increase in seats to reach a majority in 2028. And virtually all of those gains must come in the cities, where the anti-woke, anti-renewables and anti-metro vibes from Dutton and the Nationals have basically killed the brand. "We didn't just lose, we got smashed, totally smashed," Ley told the National Press Club on Wednesday. "Over two elections, the Coalition has lost 33 seats in the House of Representatives. We've lost eight seats in the Senate. "Our primary vote has fallen by more than 9 per cent in the House. Our two-party-preferred vote is down more than 6 per cent, and we now hold just two of 43 inner-metro seats and seven of 45 outer-metro seats." Take that! Simply by acknowledging the scale of her party's descent, Ley showed more grit and empiricism than Dutton ever did. The "hardman" drafted unopposed after Morrison surrendered six Liberal jewels to female community candidates in 2022, had preferred to revile rather than resolve the "gender-quake" that had just levelled his party's blue-ribbon heartlands. Morrison had scoffed at the "cafes, dinner parties and wine bars of the inner-cities," but instead of disowning such bone-headed insults, Dutton doubled down, never hiding his contempt for the teals and for their voters. It was a declaration of war, with women generally and with the affluent Australians on whom the Liberal Party was built. Yet nobody in the party room (Ley included) spoke up at the time. MORE MARK KENNY: In her first month as leader, however, Ley has already done more soul-searching and more listening than her predecessors undertook in eight years. In the aftermath of a thrashing, she prefers John Howard's folksy wisdom that the Australian voters got it right. Thus, she says openly that a Liberal majority requires some or all of the teal seats. That Ley's was the first Press Club address by a Liberal leader in three years simply underscored what an odd, divisive unit Dutton had been. That it was the first address to the club by a female opposition leader (from either side) also made it historic. Of course, this was also smart internal politics. It cemented on the record that the 2025 rout belonged as much to the abrasive rhetoric and policies Dutton espoused as to his poor standing. Ley needs her MPs to accept that future success begins with recognising how far the Coalition has drifted from the mainstream voter. Modernisation is not a choice but a necessity. The scale of this task will be rendered visually next month when Ley faces Anthony Albanese across the dispatch boxes in Parliament. With 94 seats, Labor MPs will extend well around the horseshoe while, behind Ley, will sit a rump comprising less than half of Labor's holding and just five Liberal women. Dutton made the basic error of moving further rightward because Albanese had colonised the centre-ground. It is not a mistake Ley plans on repeating. Long the overlooked understudy, Sussan Ley remains cautiously Delphic about her plans to rebuild the Liberal Party. But don't let that fool you. For years, she's been watching and learning from the "big beasts" of conservative certainty: Tony Abbott, Malcolm Turnbull, Scott Morrison and Peter Dutton - men "destined to rule". These chaps are now all gone from politics - each, in the end, having made more opponents than supporters. Categorically, Ley is not "of" this phenotype. Which is why her plans to resuscitate the flatlining party begin with what not to say when communicating internally with MPs and externally with voters. Self-evidently, Ley can be a circuit-breaker ... if they allow her to be. Already, her vanquished rival, Angus Taylor is publicly opposing the suggestion of rule changes to select women for winnable seats. He calls affirmative action "undemocratic" knowing full well how that cruels her pitch. Some people might make the same observation about Liberal factions. Or the enforcement of shadow cabinet solidarity. Some might even say that opposing quotas is a strange mound to die on for "liberals" after ascending the mountainous debt of government-funded-and-operated nuclear power. In any event, it is hard to recall an instance when Dutton was so publicly countermanded. Despite a margin of just four votes over Taylor in last month's leadership ballot, what Ley envisions simply must be bold - closer to a rebuild than a renovation - albeit, while keeping the heritage-listed facade - let's call it "mid-century Menzies"? For all that, Ley knows she must hasten slowly. Reading between the lines, she wants to get back to basics, steer back to the mainstream. This would involve concentrating political contest around the traditional differences with Labor over managerial competence, budget and economic discipline, defence and national security, business deregulation and aspiration. Her "sealed section" might also include an end to the climate wars and the formal adoption of quotas to get women in Parliament - about which she is "agnostic". She describes all this as "meeting Australians where they are", which sounds as harmless as it does overdue. But for a punchy party addicted to the sugar-hit gratifications of culture wars, it is a correction likely to adduce plenty of Trumpian malcontents. On the plus side, Ley has a bona fide crisis to fix. The Coalition she has inherited needs a 75 per cent increase in seats to reach a majority in 2028. And virtually all of those gains must come in the cities, where the anti-woke, anti-renewables and anti-metro vibes from Dutton and the Nationals have basically killed the brand. "We didn't just lose, we got smashed, totally smashed," Ley told the National Press Club on Wednesday. "Over two elections, the Coalition has lost 33 seats in the House of Representatives. We've lost eight seats in the Senate. "Our primary vote has fallen by more than 9 per cent in the House. Our two-party-preferred vote is down more than 6 per cent, and we now hold just two of 43 inner-metro seats and seven of 45 outer-metro seats." Take that! Simply by acknowledging the scale of her party's descent, Ley showed more grit and empiricism than Dutton ever did. The "hardman" drafted unopposed after Morrison surrendered six Liberal jewels to female community candidates in 2022, had preferred to revile rather than resolve the "gender-quake" that had just levelled his party's blue-ribbon heartlands. Morrison had scoffed at the "cafes, dinner parties and wine bars of the inner-cities," but instead of disowning such bone-headed insults, Dutton doubled down, never hiding his contempt for the teals and for their voters. It was a declaration of war, with women generally and with the affluent Australians on whom the Liberal Party was built. Yet nobody in the party room (Ley included) spoke up at the time. MORE MARK KENNY: In her first month as leader, however, Ley has already done more soul-searching and more listening than her predecessors undertook in eight years. In the aftermath of a thrashing, she prefers John Howard's folksy wisdom that the Australian voters got it right. Thus, she says openly that a Liberal majority requires some or all of the teal seats. That Ley's was the first Press Club address by a Liberal leader in three years simply underscored what an odd, divisive unit Dutton had been. That it was the first address to the club by a female opposition leader (from either side) also made it historic. Of course, this was also smart internal politics. It cemented on the record that the 2025 rout belonged as much to the abrasive rhetoric and policies Dutton espoused as to his poor standing. Ley needs her MPs to accept that future success begins with recognising how far the Coalition has drifted from the mainstream voter. Modernisation is not a choice but a necessity. The scale of this task will be rendered visually next month when Ley faces Anthony Albanese across the dispatch boxes in Parliament. With 94 seats, Labor MPs will extend well around the horseshoe while, behind Ley, will sit a rump comprising less than half of Labor's holding and just five Liberal women. Dutton made the basic error of moving further rightward because Albanese had colonised the centre-ground. It is not a mistake Ley plans on repeating. Long the overlooked understudy, Sussan Ley remains cautiously Delphic about her plans to rebuild the Liberal Party. But don't let that fool you. For years, she's been watching and learning from the "big beasts" of conservative certainty: Tony Abbott, Malcolm Turnbull, Scott Morrison and Peter Dutton - men "destined to rule". These chaps are now all gone from politics - each, in the end, having made more opponents than supporters. Categorically, Ley is not "of" this phenotype. Which is why her plans to resuscitate the flatlining party begin with what not to say when communicating internally with MPs and externally with voters. Self-evidently, Ley can be a circuit-breaker ... if they allow her to be. Already, her vanquished rival, Angus Taylor is publicly opposing the suggestion of rule changes to select women for winnable seats. He calls affirmative action "undemocratic" knowing full well how that cruels her pitch. Some people might make the same observation about Liberal factions. Or the enforcement of shadow cabinet solidarity. Some might even say that opposing quotas is a strange mound to die on for "liberals" after ascending the mountainous debt of government-funded-and-operated nuclear power. In any event, it is hard to recall an instance when Dutton was so publicly countermanded. Despite a margin of just four votes over Taylor in last month's leadership ballot, what Ley envisions simply must be bold - closer to a rebuild than a renovation - albeit, while keeping the heritage-listed facade - let's call it "mid-century Menzies"? For all that, Ley knows she must hasten slowly. Reading between the lines, she wants to get back to basics, steer back to the mainstream. This would involve concentrating political contest around the traditional differences with Labor over managerial competence, budget and economic discipline, defence and national security, business deregulation and aspiration. Her "sealed section" might also include an end to the climate wars and the formal adoption of quotas to get women in Parliament - about which she is "agnostic". She describes all this as "meeting Australians where they are", which sounds as harmless as it does overdue. But for a punchy party addicted to the sugar-hit gratifications of culture wars, it is a correction likely to adduce plenty of Trumpian malcontents. On the plus side, Ley has a bona fide crisis to fix. The Coalition she has inherited needs a 75 per cent increase in seats to reach a majority in 2028. And virtually all of those gains must come in the cities, where the anti-woke, anti-renewables and anti-metro vibes from Dutton and the Nationals have basically killed the brand. "We didn't just lose, we got smashed, totally smashed," Ley told the National Press Club on Wednesday. "Over two elections, the Coalition has lost 33 seats in the House of Representatives. We've lost eight seats in the Senate. "Our primary vote has fallen by more than 9 per cent in the House. Our two-party-preferred vote is down more than 6 per cent, and we now hold just two of 43 inner-metro seats and seven of 45 outer-metro seats." Take that! Simply by acknowledging the scale of her party's descent, Ley showed more grit and empiricism than Dutton ever did. The "hardman" drafted unopposed after Morrison surrendered six Liberal jewels to female community candidates in 2022, had preferred to revile rather than resolve the "gender-quake" that had just levelled his party's blue-ribbon heartlands. Morrison had scoffed at the "cafes, dinner parties and wine bars of the inner-cities," but instead of disowning such bone-headed insults, Dutton doubled down, never hiding his contempt for the teals and for their voters. It was a declaration of war, with women generally and with the affluent Australians on whom the Liberal Party was built. Yet nobody in the party room (Ley included) spoke up at the time. MORE MARK KENNY: In her first month as leader, however, Ley has already done more soul-searching and more listening than her predecessors undertook in eight years. In the aftermath of a thrashing, she prefers John Howard's folksy wisdom that the Australian voters got it right. Thus, she says openly that a Liberal majority requires some or all of the teal seats. That Ley's was the first Press Club address by a Liberal leader in three years simply underscored what an odd, divisive unit Dutton had been. That it was the first address to the club by a female opposition leader (from either side) also made it historic. Of course, this was also smart internal politics. It cemented on the record that the 2025 rout belonged as much to the abrasive rhetoric and policies Dutton espoused as to his poor standing. Ley needs her MPs to accept that future success begins with recognising how far the Coalition has drifted from the mainstream voter. Modernisation is not a choice but a necessity. The scale of this task will be rendered visually next month when Ley faces Anthony Albanese across the dispatch boxes in Parliament. With 94 seats, Labor MPs will extend well around the horseshoe while, behind Ley, will sit a rump comprising less than half of Labor's holding and just five Liberal women. Dutton made the basic error of moving further rightward because Albanese had colonised the centre-ground. It is not a mistake Ley plans on repeating.
ABC News
6 hours ago
- ABC News
Calls to make 'timely' Telstra service upgrades mandatory after two-week mobile disruption
There are calls for the government to tighten Telstra's obligation to its customers to include "timely and to standard" upgrades of its mobile services after towns were left disconnected for a fortnight. Nationals leader David Littleproud said the government needed to make changes to the Universal Service Obligation (USO). Under the USO, Telstra has an obligation to provide a "standard telephone service" within a reasonable timeframe. "Subsequent to that, we've seen technology shift … mobiles have now taken over. "What we said in the last election is what the Coalition would do … extending that USO to cover the mobile phone infrastructure." More than 13,000 residents in Dalby, on Queensland's Western Downs, had mobile calls, internet and other services including EFTPOS and ATMs disrupted for two weeks this month due to Telstra upgrading a tower. Telstra told the ABC that customers needed to have a backup option available. "We understand people are using the mobile network, that's why we're doing this massive upgrade on the tower in Dalby." Mr Littleproud said the response was "substandard". "We've seen this elsewhere … in St George, and in Goondiwindi, we had outages going well beyond days. That's why the government needs to step in," he said. A spokesperson from the office of Communications Minister Anika Wells told the ABC the government was looking to include mobile coverage in its legislation. "While the Coalition left USO reform to languish, Labor has taken real steps to ensure regional communities aren't forgotten when it comes to mobile coverage." When the ABC asked for additional information, the government sent a statement released in February by then-communications minister Michelle Rowland. It stated the government would consult and introduce legislation this year to cover the mobile network. "Implementation of outdoor SMS and voice will be expected by late 2027, with many Australians likely to obtain access before then," the release said. "Basic mobile data will be considered in the future as technology road maps and capacity considerations develop." Telstra switched off Dalby's mobile services on Monday, June 16 in order to upgrade its base tower to 5G. NBN, satellite, and landline connections were uninterrupted, but locals called it a safety issue, with many businesses and medical staff impacted in the town of about 13,000 people. Mr Littleproud, also the member for Maranoa, said the regional town had been forgotten. Mobile services in Dalby and surrounds were restored after the two-week disruption, but the outage left businesses and residents shaken. "It's a bit of a catch here — we have to rely on Telstra as once you leave town most other providers aren't available," Anna Story from Dalby's Chamber of Commerce said. "They need to change their advice for future outages. "[Saying] 'coverage is likely to be impacted' is a very different thing to no coverage for five days." It was stressful for residents too. "My elderly father-in-law has been in hospital for several weeks in the Scenic Rim and my husband — his power of attorney — has been uncontactable in the case that urgent medical and care decisions need to be made," Tina Burnett said. "My husband works out of town, and he was unable to contact his employer or the other works to coordinate tasks as they had no service on their mobile phones." Ms Burnett said the outage was poorly communicated. "They provided a link to outage details which required me entering my address. When I did that, the website told me that there was no outage in my area," she said.
