American retailer Vince reports $4.8 mn Q1 loss, suspends FY25 outlook
The gross profit of the company totalled $29.2 million, representing 50.3 per cent of net sales. The gross margin contraction was driven by higher freight, duty, distribution, and wholesale mix costs. These pressures were partly offset by improved product pricing, lower input costs, and reduced promotional activity, Vince said in a press release.
Vince Holding Corp has reported net sales of $57.9 million in Q1 FY25, down 2.1 per cent YoY, impacted by store closures and a 4.4 per cent drop in DTC sales. Gross profit stood at $29.2 million. The company posted a net loss of $4.8 million and adjusted EBITDA of -$3 million. Vince forecasts Q2 sales to be flat or down 3 per cent, with no full-year guidance due to tariff uncertainties.
Selling, general, and administrative (SG&A) expenses rose to $33.6 million, or 58 per cent of sales. Vince posted an operating loss of $4.4 million, compared to an adjusted loss of $2 million in the same period last year. Adjusted EBITDA came in at -$3 million.
The net loss for the quarter stood at $4.8 million or $0.37 per share, against an adjusted net loss of $3.3 million or $0.26 per share in Q1 FY24. The company did not recognise a tax benefit due to the anticipated non-realisation of year-to-date losses.
Vince ended the quarter with 58 company-operated stores, down by four from a year ago. Segment-wise operating income declined to $8.6 million, compared to $10.1 million in the prior year period.
'I continue to be encouraged by the strong execution and commitment to excellence I see across our organisation, and while we are navigating a challenging environment marked by uncertainty, our first quarter performance was relatively in line with our expectations,' said Brendan Hoffman, chief executive officer (CEO) at Vince .
'As an organisation, we quickly pivoted all efforts in the latter portion of the quarter to develop and put into action mitigation plans in light of the evolving tariff policies. In short order we have diversified our supply chain, negotiated with vendors, and leveraged other opportunities to mitigate near-term costs. As we look ahead, we will continue these efforts along with providing customers a high-quality product offering and an engaging experience across our channels,' added Hoffman.
Looking ahead to Q2 FY25, the company forecasts net sales to be flat or decline by up to 3 per cent. The operating income is projected to range from a 1 per cent loss to a 1 per cent gain of net sales, while adjusted EBITDA is expected to be between 1 and 4 per cent of sales.
Given the uncertainty related to the potential impact and duration of current tariff policy, the company is not providing guidance for the full fiscal 2025, added the release.
Fibre2Fashion News Desk (SG)
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These chronic sanctions have proven economically disastrous. Today, China is the largest importer of Iranian crude. Sanctions have affected Iran's crude exports to other countries. The barrage of sanctions has hit its economy. Funding proxies, uranium enrichment, and nuclear facilities have drained its resources. Domestic investment for progress and quality of life has shrunk abysmally. Tehran continues its nuclear programme despite sanctions. Its nuclear issue is the most pressing one in the region. Iran enriched uranium up to 60% purity, prompting Israel to allege that Tehran is closer to producing nuclear weapons. It launched 'Operation Rising Lion', attacking Isfahan, Natanz, and other Iranian nuclear facilities. Fordow, Iran's most fortified underground nuclear facility, has many centrifuges that remain immune to Israeli attack. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD However, several factors constrain Tehran's nuclear ambition. Iran, the P5, and Germany signed the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA)/Iran nuclear deal in 2015, limiting uranium enrichment to 3.67 per cent, sufficient for electricity production. However, Trump withdrew from the deal in 2018, citing inherent weaknesses in the treaty. After the US withdrawal, Iran further enriched its uranium. Tehran maintains that it has every right to harness nuclear energy for peaceful purposes. This is just a statement, contradicting Iran's professed objective of Israel's destruction. On the other hand, International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) Director General Rafael Grossi, in a June 2025 address, said, 'Unless and until Iran assists the agency in resolving the outstanding safeguard issues, the agency will not be in a position to provide assurance that Iran's nuclear programme is exclusively peaceful.' The first round of Iran-US nuclear talks was held in Muscat in April 2025 with Oman's mediation. The sixth round of talks halted in the wake of the conflict. However, Iran has said it is ready for diplomacy with the US, provided Israel stops its aggression. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Understanding the regional geopolitical dynamics of West Asia through the lens of structural realism, one can ask: Will Iran weaponise nuclear power to checkmate Israel and intensify anti-West proclivities? Be that as it may, Iran's ideological moorings and theological orthodoxy indicate the likelihood of using nuclear capacity for veto power and obstructionist politics. Ideological Antithesis Iran is ideologically anti-West. The Shia Islamism of Iran is an antithesis to Western liberalism, democracy, gender equality, and religious freedom. Israel is pro-West and pro-US. Iran does not acknowledge Israel as a state and treats it as an occupying power. 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Tehran employs such asymmetric warfare strategies through Hamas, Houthis, Hezbollah, and Kataib Hezbollah to counter the growing geopolitical and geostrategic weight of Israel and the USA. It disrupts peace in the region through proxies and promotes religious radicalism. The Israeli counter-offensive against Hamas and Hezbollah after the October 7 brutal episode has defanged their leadership. Top leaders among them include Hassan Nasrallah, Secretary-General of Hezbollah; Fuad Sukr, top commander of Hezbollah; Nabil Kaouk, Deputy Head of Hezbollah Central Council; Ismail Haniyeh, leader of Hamas; Mohammed Deif, Commander of the Military Wing of Hamas; and Ibrahim Aqil, Commander of the Radwan Force. The US has also gone against the Houthis, known for disrupting Red Sea trade. Iran is adept at grey warfare. It rarely confronts enemies directly but targets them through proxies. 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It has wings such as a ground force, Basij paramilitary, naval force (patrolling the Strait of Hormuz), air force (handling the missile programme), and cyber command (espionage and propaganda). It supports armed non-state actors to resist Western systems and views Israel as a perpetual enemy. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Its proxies include Al-Ashtar Brigades in Bahrain; Kata'ib Hezbollah, Badr Organisation, Asa'ib Ahl al-Haq, Hezbollah Harakat al-Nujaba, and Kata'ib Sayyed al-Shuhada in Iraq; Hezbollah in Lebanon; Palestinian Islamic Jihad and Hamas in Palestine; Fatemiyoun Brigade, Zainabiyoun Brigade, Quwat al-Ridha, and Baqir Brigade in Syria; and the Houthis in Yemen. The Quds Force handles external missions while Basij suppresses domestic unrest. Regional Faultlines Turkey, Iran, and Saudi Arabia compete for Islamic leadership. Saudi Arabia is naturally positioned for this role due to its custodianship of Islam's two holiest sites—Mecca and Medina. Turkey and Iran promote Islamic causes to assert leadership despite Shia-Sunni divides. The Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) represents Islamic unity, yet tensions remain. The Iran-Saudi conflict is intensified by the Yemen war. Turkey, a NATO member, has its own regional vulnerabilities like Kurdish separatism and is unlikely to openly side with Iran. The UAE and Saudi Arabia have chosen a developmental path and avoid religious radicalism. They prioritise stability and trade, aligned with neoliberal and multipolar worldviews. Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states are diversifying their economies, investing globally, building infrastructure, and embracing AI. These states focus on delivering on their Vision Documents and maintaining regime security—hence, avoiding direct entanglement in conflicts. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD The American Strategy The US uses an offshore balancing strategy to check Iran's rise. It is Israel's unwavering ally, supporting it militarily to deter Iran's nuclear ambitions. Nuclear-armed Iran would destabilise the region and threaten Israel's existence. The US also supports GCC states—Saudi Arabia, UAE, Bahrain—against Iranian threats. It ensures energy security and free navigation in critical waterways like the Strait of Hormuz and Bab al-Mandeb. The US Central Command (CENTCOM) is headquartered in Bahrain, with bases in Kuwait (Camp Arifjan), UAE (Al Dhafra), Qatar (Al Udeid), Iraq (Erbil), etc., to deter geostrategic risks. The recent US-Israel joint strike against Iranian nuclear sites underscores this strategic resolve. If Iran retaliates against US assets, it may prompt further US strikes to eliminate Iran's nuclear capabilities. Tehran's defiance suggests an escalation is imminent. Russia's Position Russia may support Iran militarily or logistically, but not overtly. It could not intervene meaningfully in Syria after Assad's ousting—Assad now lives under Putin's protection in Moscow. Russia is too mired in its Ukraine war to engage elsewhere. War fatigue limits its options. Any support for Iran will be covert and material. China's Transactional Approach China may supply Iran with material and weapons. True to Sun Tzu's thinking, China avoids direct confrontation, especially on others' behalf. It excels in 'grey zone' warfare, preferring ambiguity. A transactional power, China prioritises its economic interests—particularly uninterrupted access to Iranian oil. While it may support Iran materially, it will do so discreetly, avoiding antagonism with Israel or the West. Jajati K Pattnaik is an Associate Professor at the Centre for West Asian Studies, School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi. Chandan K Panda is an Assistant Professor at Rajiv Gandhi University (A Central University), Itanagar. The views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the authors. They do not necessarily reflect Firstpost's views.
