Nishant's political entry not RJD's business: Samrat
Patna: Speculation over the political debut of Nishant Kumar, son of CM Nitish Kumar, took a sharp political turn on Sunday when RJD leader Tejashwi Prasad Yadav alleged that a "BJP-aligned faction" within JD(U) was preventing his entry.
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He claimed that the BJP was not keen on Nishant joining politics, as it could disrupt the party's long-term strategy to replace Nitish as CM after the 2025 elections.
When asked about Tejashwi's comments, deputy CM Samrat Choudhary said, "The entry of Nishant into politics will not be decided by the Lalu family. It will be decided by CM Nitish Kumar and his family."
Avoiding any direct reference to Tejashwi, Samrat launched a scathing attack on RJD chief Lalu Prasad and challenged the RJD to present its 15-year track record in contrast to Nitish's 20-year tenure.
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Time of India
38 minutes ago
- Time of India
BJP slams Tejashwi Yadav's stand on Waqf Act, says his 'samajwaad' cover for 'namazwaad'
Live Events (You can now subscribe to our (You can now subscribe to our Economic Times WhatsApp channel The BJP on Monday accused opposition parties of seeking to turn the Constitution into a "sharia script" and using the garb of "samajwaad" (socialism) to hide its "namazwaad", as it slammed RJD leader Tejashwi Yadav for asserting that his bloc, if elected to power in Bihar, will throw the amended Waqf Act in national spokesperson Sudhanshu Trivedi said the INDIA bloc of the RJD-Congress-Left in Bihar has shown its disrespect for the Constitution, as the Act was passed by Parliament and is being adjudicated in the Supreme Court. They respect neither Parliament nor the judiciary, he a press conference, he rejected opposition parties' criticism of the Election Commission's special intensive review of electoral rolls, which has started from the poll-bound Bihar, to weed out ineligible voters, as born out of their "defeatist mindset" in the face of their inevitable parties want fake voters, while it is imperative to ensure that only eligible Indian citizens get to elect the government of their choice, he said. The EC has said the exercise, a regular mechanism, is aimed at including only eligible voters in the electoral parties have claimed that it can exclude eligible voters willfully, an allegation that is an extension of their attack on the poll watchdog for working to benefit the ruling alliance. Assembly polls in Bihar are expected to be held in opposition leaders for their strident criticism of the Waqf (Amendment) Act at the Patna rally, Trivedi said their alliance is driven by vote bank politics, a euphemism for its outreach to Muslim voters over the opposition to the Act from a large number of alleged that the INDIA bloc wants to enforce Sharia provisions through the back like Telangana and Karnataka are giving reservations to Muslims at the cost of quotas for Hindu OBCs, SCs and STs, and West Bengal is also trying to do it, he underlined the BJP-led NDA's commitment to the values of the Constitution drafted by B R said, "'Samvidhan bachao' is merely a facade of these parties as their true face is 'sharia lao'. If they are in power, they will add 'namazwaad' to the Constitution's preamble. They want to turn the Constitution into a Sharia script, but we will not allow it."RJD's Tejashwi Yadav on Sunday claimed that the ruling NDA in Bihar was "on its way out", and the new government in the state led by the opposition alliance will "consign to the dustbin" the Waqf Act brought by the Narendra Modi dispensation at the leader was addressing a 'Save Waqf, Save Constitution' rally at the historical Gandhi Maidan in Bihar's capital, BJP spokesperson said the ruling National Democratic Alliance will not allow any provisions of Ambedkar's Constitution to be thrown into the opposition parties, he said the Sharia provisions they are advocating are not in force in even Islamic countries, including Saudi Arabia, Pakistan, Bangladesh and parties want to concentrate huge portions of Waqf land into the hands of some self-appointed Muslim religious leaders, he said, adding that these properties were never used for the welfare of the believes in the distribution of wealth, but socialist parties like the RJD and the Samajwadi Party are doing the opposite and are, in fact, with a few self-appointed Muslim leaders, he said. This is not "samajwaad but namazwaad", he the country is observing the 50th anniversary of the Emergency, the Congress and its allies are suffering from the same mindset by asserting that they will throw a duly enacted law into the dustbin, he Quran makes no mention of Waqf, he said, adding that opposition parties are seeking to make a mockery of Ambedkar's Constitution for "maulvis' script".The BJP leader, who is a Rajya Sabha MP, recalled that the only time a party had over 400 MPs was during the 1984-89 period when the ruling Congress enacted a law to strike down the Supreme Court's verdict in favour of granting alimony in the famous Shah Bano case due to pressure from orthodox sections of said even RJD chief Lalu Yadav had once spoken about the alleged land grab by influential Muslims in the name of the then Waqf read out some famous lines of poet Adam Gondvi to mock the "hypocrisy" of socialist leaders.
United News of India
an hour ago
- United News of India
Govt will last 5 years: Siddaramaiah
Mysuru, June 30 (UNI) Karnataka Chief Minister Siddaramaiah today dismissed speculation of rifts within the Congress leadership and reaffirmed that the state government will complete its five-year term 'like a rock.' Speaking to reporters in Mysuru, Siddaramaiah was accompanied by Deputy Chief Minister DK Shivakumar, with whom he has been the subject of frequent leadership change rumours. 'What do you think, will I inaugurate Dussehra? DK Shivakumar and I are together, and this government will remain intact for five years like a rock,' said Siddaramaiah, directly countering the Opposition's claim that he may not be around to flag off this year's Mysuru Dussehra festivities. In a pointed attack on the BJP, Siddaramaiah said, 'They are known for lies; that's what they do. Sriramulu lost the election and is now making random statements. We are united, and we don't care about comments from them.' His remarks came in response to Leader of Opposition R. Ashoka's comments that the Chief Minister may not inaugurate the iconic Dussehra festival this year—an indication, he hinted, of an impending change in leadership. The speculation has gained momentum following visits by senior Congress leaders, including party general secretary and Karnataka in-charge Randeep Singh Surjewala. Siddaramaiah, however, clarified the purpose of Surjewala's visit, stating, 'He is coming to strengthen the party organisation. He will do his job.' The Congress leadership in Karnataka has been under the spotlight in recent weeks following comments by state minister KN Rajanna, who hinted at the possibility of a party reorganisation. Party president Mallikarjun Kharge earlier today reiterated that such matters fall solely under the purview of the Congress high command. Despite internal speculations, Siddaramaiah and Shivakumar's joint appearance was seen as a strong show of unity aimed at silencing dissent and reaffirming the government's stability. UNI BDN GNK 1608
Indian Express
an hour ago
- Indian Express
Unmasking the social justice script of the Bihar Mahagathbandhan
When the Bihar government under the Mahagathbandhan banner initiated a state-level caste-based survey in 2023, it was presented as a transformative step toward social justice. Headlines glorified it, campaign speeches claimed it was a revolutionary milestone, and Tejashwi Yadav projected himself as a champion of backward caste empowerment. In reality, this was a political manoeuvre, engineered more for headlines than for genuine upliftment. Despite being marketed as a caste census, the exercise was no census in the legal or scientific sense. A census is a rigorous, legally-backed exercise typically conducted under the Census Act of 1948 by the central government. It involves trained enumerators, standardised formats, multiple rounds of verification, and most importantly, national uniformity in execution. This, however, was a state-level caste survey with no statutory backing, limited standardisation, and questionable accuracy. By contrast, the so-called 'caste survey' under the Mahagathbandhan government was a hurriedly executed, state-level data collection exercise; conducted without clear methodological transparency and was not supported by any judicial or policy framework to integrate its findings into actionable governance. In short, it was not a caste census, but a political sampler, and a poor one at that. The most glaring weakness of this exercise was its failure to move beyond numerical enumeration. It told us how many people belong to a particular caste, but it said nothing about how they live. No data was collected on: Poverty levels by caste, literacy and dropout rates, access to health and sanitation, participation in public employment or government schemes, regional disparities within caste groups, etc. In essence, the survey reduced Bahujans, Dalits, EBCs, and Adivasis to population units, not policy subjects. It provided no basis for targeted interventions, sectoral budgeting, or proportional programmatic allocation. It offered visibility without viability. Tejashwi Yadav, despite his political positioning, did little to bridge this gap. The absence of follow-up frameworks — no deprivation index, no targeted welfare expansion, no legal roadmap — shows how shallow the intent really was. The real objective was clear: Consolidate the M-Y (Muslim-Yadav) vote bank. This M-Y axis has been the bedrock of the RJD's electoral strategy since its inception. The caste survey functioned as a numerical reaffirmation of this strategy, cloaked in the language of representation. However, the most deprived and voiceless sections of Bihar's caste spectrum, that is, the Mahadalits, SC sub-groups, Adivasis, EBCs like Nonia, Kevat, Tanti, and Musahar, remained peripheral to both data collection and policy direction. There was no outreach to Bahujan scholars, no consultation with grassroots Dalit activists, no representation from subaltern collectives in the design or analysis phase. The entire survey was structured to consolidate electoral strength, not social strength. One of the more politically charged demands emerging from Tejashwi Yadav post-survey was that the proposed 85 per cent reservation (SC+ST+OBC+EBC+others) be included in the Ninth Schedule of the Constitution, thus insulating it from judicial scrutiny. But on what scientific basis is this 85 per cent figure determined? There is no caste-wise deprivation matrix to support it. Has there been any expert committee that has recommended this based on empirical findings? Is the Ninth Schedule a magic wand? Even laws under it can be reviewed by courts if they violate fundamental rights (IR Coelho v State of Tamil Nadu, 2007). More worryingly, there has been no formal dialogue with the Union Government, no all-party resolution, and no legal roadmap for such inclusion. It remains a talking point, not a policy position. The Mahagathbandhan government had the opportunity. It should have constituted a Backwardness Commission to analyse data and recommend proportional schemes; created a deprivation index for each caste, using indicators like access to education, employment, landholding, and healthcare; initiated sector-wise resource allocation plans based on this index; set up legal groundwork through a constitutional commission for justifying any enhancement in reservation; and launched intra-caste equity programs, especially for sub-castes within SC and OBCs that remain disadvantaged. None of this happened. There were no schemes for EBCs, no Dalit entrepreneurship missions, no targeted educational reforms. What emerged instead was a PR campaign with Tejashwi Yadav at its centre, drawing attention more for performance than policy. While he may still be seen by some as a political successor to Mandal, the delivery deficit reveals how thin the claims really are. While other parties reduced caste surveys to symbolic optics and vote-bank manipulation, Chirag Paswan emerged as a true champion of Bahujan and Dalit empowerment. As Union Minister, he strongly advocated for a scientific, nationwide caste census that goes far beyond mere headcounts. His vision incorporates real indicators — education, employment, housing, income — designed not just to represent communities, but to uplift them. Chirag Paswan's approach reflects an understanding that justice cannot rest on slogans. His insistence on reliable data, institutional accountability, and constitutionally sound implementation sets him apart from leaders who seek to use the Bahujan identity for electoral staging. By working toward policies grounded in empirical evidence and legal clarity, he has positioned himself as one of the few national leaders genuinely invested in transformative social justice. His role has not just been performative; it has been policy-oriented. His work stands as a counter-model to the politics of Tejashwi Yadav and the Congress in Telangana -— where counting was the goal, not correcting. Chirag's politics is not about how many are included in a speech but how many are included in development. The Mahagathbandhan's caste survey failed because it mistook enumeration for emancipation. It was an electoral strategy disguised as empowerment. The Bahujans, once again, were used as political capital, reduced to statistics, not stakeholders. There has been no follow-up scholarship scheme, no targeted employment drive, no caste-wise health mission, no SC/ST/OBC land redistribution proposal. Just data and drama. Social justice is not a rallying cry. It is a roadmap. It requires painstaking institutional effort, credible data architecture, and inclusive policy building. Tejashwi Yadav fails on all three counts. He merely counted the Bahujans. Chirag Paswan is fighting to count them in. The writer is Member of Parliament, Jamui (LS), Chief Whip, Lok Janshakti Party (Ramvilas)
