
ACT chooses 'care over cruelty' by raising the age of criminal responsibility to 14
From July 1, children under 14 in the ACT can no longer be charged, prosecuted, or imprisoned under the criminal legal system, except for a limited number of excluded offences.
The change comes as part of a two-stage reform passed in 2023, which first raised the age from 10 to 12 and now to 14. The Aboriginal Legal Service (NSW/ACT) welcomed the milestone, commending the ACT Government for a decision grounded in research and community wellbeing. 'This reform will keep more children where they belong: in their homes, communities, schools, playgrounds and sports fields, supported to thrive rather than being dragged through court and languishing in youth prisons,' ALS chief executive Karly Warner said. 'Evidence shows the younger a child is at first contact with the legal system, the more likely they are to keep coming back into contact with police and courts and to experience adult imprisonment.
"That's why raising the age of legal responsibility to 14 is a commonsense move not only for children but for all members of our communities.'
While praising the ACT's leadership, Ms Warner urged further reform, calling for the removal of exceptions that still allow children to be criminalised under certain circumstances.
The change follows decades of sustained advocacy from Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander communities, health professionals and legal experts, who have long highlighted the harms of early criminalisation, particularly for Indigenous children, who remain disproportionately affected by the system.
A call for national action Advocacy organisations, including Change the Record, the Justice and Equity Centre and the Human Rights Law Centre, also welcomed the reform, and called on all other jurisdictions to follow suit without delay. 'Every child deserves to grow with connection, not be locked up in prison cells,' Jade Lane, Change the Record chief executive, said.
'The ACT reforms are a crucial step toward choosing care over cruelty, especially for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children, who are disproportionately targeted by police and the so-called justice system.'
Ms Lane urged other jurisdictions to end harmful, punitive youth justice practices and invest instead in community-led solutions that support young people. 'This change in the ACT signals a well-overdue time to invest in Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children to thrive, not trap them in cycles of criminalisation,' she said. Maggie Munn, First Nations director at the Human Rights Law Centre, said the reform sets a precedent for the rest of the nation. 'Our kids deserve to thrive, not be caged in police watch houses and prison cells. This is a positive step forward which means that more children in the ACT will be cared for, rather than pipelined into prison,' Munn said.
'We call on every state and territory government to do the right thing for kids and communities, and raise the age of criminal responsibility to at least 14, with no exceptions.'
Chief executive of the Justice and Equity Centre Jonathon Hunyor told NITV that locking up children cruels their chances and takes them away from positive influences. "What we do is place kids in a situation where they build criminal capital – they go to the university of crime," he said. "They get taught that they're criminals and told that they're criminals – and that's exactly what we produce. "So it's very easy to talk tough and be all hairy-chested about being tough on crime, but the fact is, it's not working, it's never worked, and it's never going to work.
"Unless we actually invest in kids, we invest in communities, we invest in solutions, we're just saying the same stuff over and over again."
Australia still lagging behind international standards Despite the ACT's progress, Australia remains out of step with international human rights obligations. The United Nations has repeatedly called on Australia to raise the minimum age to 14 'without exception,' citing evidence that children aged 10 to 13 lack the developmental capacity to be held criminally responsible. Mr Hunyor said that raising the age is a catalyst for changing systems, taking the emphasis from criminalisation, from police and prisons, to where it can make a difference. "And that's intervening early, supporting children and families from a much younger age than even 10 so that problems that lead them to commit criminal offences don't materialise or, if they do, that kids can get back on the right track," he said. "So it's all the obvious stuff that we should be investing in community services, after school activities, mentoring for young people, mental health support and there's support for families. "We address things like homelessness and a lack of housing, disability supports that we need in our communities
"They're all the things that we know are going to make a difference."
Communities had a right to be angry that government is not investing in them and not investing in people's capacity to do better, Mr Hunyor said. "Instead, we park at the bottom of the cliff, we wait for kids to fall off, we chuck them in the paddy wagon, and we drive them back up and let them out again, and the whole cycle starts again," he said. "It's just a ridiculous approach that we're taking. "And until more people look at the evidence like they are in the ACT, we're not going to get better outcomes."
In NSW, Queensland, and South Australia, the age of criminal responsibility remains at 10.
The former Northern Territory Labor government raised the age to 12 but when the Country Liberal Party swept to power in August last year, one of the first act's of Lia Finocchiaro's new government was to lower it back to 10. Victoria has also kept the age at 10, and while that state has passed legislation to raise it to 12; the change has not yet been implemented and also includes new police powers targeting children as young as 10 and breaks a promise from former Premier Dan Andrews to raise the age to 14 by 2027. Tasmania has committed to raising the age to 14 by 2029, while in Western Australia, the government has voted to raise the age to 14, but implementation is still pending. 'Kids deserve a childhood free from cages and isolation,' Ms Lane said.
'It's time the rest of the country caught up.'
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles

ABC News
an hour ago
- ABC News
Queensland Premier David Crisafulli to announce commission of inquiry into state CFMEU
The Queensland government will launch a commission of inquiry into allegations of violence and cultural issues within the state branch of the Construction, Forestry and Maritime Employees Union (CFMEU). The announcement follows a damning report written by lawyer Geoffrey Watson SC alleged the union used violence to "support a pursuit of political, industrial, and financial power". The report, commissioned by Queensland CFMEU administrator Mark Irving KC, was compiled from nearly 60 interviews conducted by Mr Watson. A commission of inquiry can compel witnesses to give evidence, and charges can be recommended when it is completed. Premier David Crisafulli said it was the "most powerful inquiry" the state could launch. "If this report only scratched the surface we owe it to Queenslanders to get the full picture with a commission of inquiry," he said.

News.com.au
an hour ago
- News.com.au
‘Oblivion': Graph shows truth we all missed
When the Abbott government was elected in a landslide at the 2013 election winning 90 out of 150 lower house seats, it represented a level of numerical ascendancy in the lower house of parliament seen only once in the last 40 years of politics prior to the recent federal election. The previous instance occurred in 1996 at the election of the Howard government, when the Coalition won 94 out of 148 lower house seats. Since then, to say that things have gone wrong for the Coalition would be an understatement. Their total ranks in the lower house have been more than halved, with the Coalition winning just 43 seats at May's federal election. Exactly why the Coalition failed so spectacularly when their strong belief within the party was that they would be returning to power less than a week before election day, remains a matter of great debate. But there is one factor that is definitively not the Coalition's ally, demographics, with one avenue in particular going against them. When it comes to the various demographic breakdowns whether they be by income, social class or education, the scales get tilted toward the Coalition or toward Labor. For example, at the 2022 election, the primary vote of Australians with a tertiary education favoured Labor over the Coalition by 9 percentage points, 35 per cent to 26 per cent. If we shift the focus to members of the electorate earning $140,000 per year or more, Labor is favoured by 5 percentage points, 35 per cent to 30 per cent. But the greatest divide is not defined by education, income or social class, it's by home ownership. This echoes the findings of studies done on elections in Britain and elsewhere, which concluded that if a voter owns a home, they are significantly more likely to vote for a conservative party than a renter. To paraphrase the commentary of Sydney barrister and writer Gray Connolly: Why would young people vote conservative if they have nothing to conserve? According to the findings of the 2022 Australian National University Election Study, 26 per cent of renters gave their first preference vote to the Coalition, with 37 per cent giving their vote to Labor. On the other in the ranks of homeowners, 38 per cent gave their first preference to the Coalition, with 32 per cent going to Labor. On balance a homeowner was 46.2 per cent more likely than a renter to give their first preference vote to the Coalition. Home Ownership According to census figures analysed by AMP, the overall home ownership rate peaked almost 60 years back in 1966. It has since declined significantly, but the fall in overall ownership masks vast differences between different age demographics over time. In terms of a breakdown by age demographic, figures from the Australian Institute of Health and Welfare (AIHW) reveal what proportion of households were homeowners, starting with Australians born 1947 to 1951 at the 1976 census. The AIHW has since measured each subsequent five-year block in births for home ownership at each Census, with the latest measured at the 2021 census those born between 1992 and 1996. The figures reveal that despite pandemic-related distortions at the latest data point making things appear more favourable, the households of Australians aged 25 to 29 had the lowest home ownership rate for any five-year age demographic block on record. But it's not just young people who are doing worse than their predecessors. Almost every generation that has come after the eldest Baby Boomer cohort, who were born 1947 to 1951, has had a worse rate of home ownership than the generation that came before it. For example, for Australians born in 1967 to 1971 who were aged 50 to 54 at the last census, the home ownership rate was 72.4 per cent, compared with 79.6 per cent when those born 1947 to 1951 were that same age. For people aged 35 to 39 at the 2016 census, the home ownership rate was 59.2 per cent, compared with 69.1 per cent for those born 1952 to 1956 and 72.3 per cent for those born 1947 to 1951. This downward trend in home ownership rates repeats itself again and again across the last five decades and all the various age demographics. The Current State Of Play According to recent Redbridge polling, the Coalition is behind Labor in the 18 to 34, 35 to 49 and 50 to 64 age demographics, falling to third in the 35 to 49 age demographic, behind Labor and others, a collection of third-party candidates outside of the Greens. Meanwhile, the Coalition leads in primary vote in just one age demographic, voters aged 65 and over. Looking Ahead From a self-interested perspective based purely on electoral demographics, deteriorating rates of home ownership are not a problem for Labor or the Greens, with renters significantly more likely to vote for them than they are for the Coalition. But for the Coalition, they are a political time bomb. The average age of a rank-and-file member of the Liberal Party is 68 and their ranks continue to dwindle, as existing members pass on and there is increasingly little interest from younger demographics to replace them. A further deterioration in home ownership and household formation rates would be an electoral demographic disaster for the Coalition and there is little evidence of the current downward trend being arrested. In a vacuum it would seem the Coalition has three choices, align itself more strongly with renters as it did relatively successfully in the decades following World War 2, commit to policies that will credibly dramatically raise rates of home ownership or continue on its march toward electoral demographic oblivion.

ABC News
2 hours ago
- ABC News
How the Yuendumu police shooting death of Kumanjayi Walker changed the NT
The sun is beginning to sink into the desert horizon when a team of pseudo-tactical cops — police dog in tow — roll in to Yuendumu, a tiny Aboriginal community three hours from Alice Springs. It's quiet in town on this Saturday night, November 9, 2019. There's a funeral happening at the cemetery. But it hasn't been this calm for a while — a string of violent break-ins targeting the community's health staff has scared the nurses into Alice Springs for the weekend, seeking respite. And as then-constable Zachary Rolfe and his Immediate Response Team (IRT) colleagues arrive at the police station, with their long-arm rifles and bean-bag shotguns; it's about to get a whole lot more chaotic. WARNING: Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander readers are advised that this article contains the name and image of an Indigenous person who has died, used with the permission of their family. This story also contains racist and offensive language and images. The local sergeant, Julie Frost, is burnt out and overworked. She's called for back-up so her team can rest, and then tomorrow, at 5am, the out-of-town officers will join one of her officers, to arrest Kumanjayi Walker. It's a plan she's already discussed with his family, to allow him to take part in the funeral. Legally, the 19-year-old Warlpiri-Luritja man shouldn't be in the community this weekend, it's a breach of a court order. Culturally, he's required to return to bury his grandfather. Police tried to arrest him a few days ago, but he threatened them with an axe. Footage of that incident has already done the rounds at the Alice Springs Police Station, where officers can't believe the bush cops didn't shoot Mr Walker. Enter Mr Rolfe: a constable keen on "high adrenaline" jobs, with three years of policing under his belt and — a coroner has now found — a "tendency to rush in", with a "reluctance to follow rules". Confident in her plan for a safe 5am arrest, Sergeant Frost leaves the station in the hands of the IRT for the night, telling the visitors on her way out that if they do happen to come across Mr Walker that night, then "by all means, arrest him". Less than two hours later, Mr Walker takes his final breaths on the floor of a police cell, three gunshot wounds to his torso. The reaction was immediate. And divisive. The brand new NT police commissioner — sworn in two days after the shooting — travelled to Yuendumu with the chief minister to reassure the community the officer involved had been stood down, pending investigations into how a quiet night in community ended with a 19-year-old being shot by a police officer, inside his grandmother's home. Then-chief minister Michael Gunner, in a poorly phrased promise which haunted the rest of his political career, tried to explain there would be independent oversight of police, a coronial investigation, and that "consequences will flow" as a result. Four days later, Mr Rolfe was charged with murder after an investigation which many claimed didn't pass the pub test. An ICAC investigation later found no evidence of political interference in the investigation. For years, Warlpiri people grieved quietly, in their tiny town on the edge of the Tanami desert. Suppression orders protecting then-constable Rolfe's right to a fair trial prevented previous allegations of excessive use of force, perjury and his text messages from being published. Prosecutors tried to argue some of that evidence was proof of the officer's tendency to be violent towards Aboriginal men, fighting to tell the jury that a local court judge had found, months before the shooting, Mr Rolfe likely "deliberately" banged a man's head into the ground, then lied about it under oath. But Mr Rolfe's lawyers won that melee — one of many trial arguments which landed in their favour. Supreme Court Justice John Burns ruled the evidence was irrelevant to Mr Rolfe's decision to fire his Glock three times, in response to being stabbed in the shoulder by Mr Walker that night. Journalists were barred from writing about Mr Rolfe's history until after the jury had returned its not guilty verdict. Meanwhile, the details of Mr Walker's criminal history, his unsettled upbringing and health issues were splashed across the pages of national newspapers. "The way that he was portrayed was this really violent young man [who] was the reason for his own death, and we felt like we had no control over his story," his cousin, Samara Fernandez-Brown, said. Duelling social media campaigns kept a divided audience up to date with a long and complicated court process over several years. "Justice For Walker" became a carefully curated platform for advocacy for the Yuendumu community, treading a fine line between calling for Mr Rolfe to be jailed, and not prejudicing a jury they had put their hopes in. "I Back Zach" produced stubby coolers, and later, a police officer was sacked over a "Blue Lives Matter" singlet referencing the shooting. A now-deleted, anonymously-run, Facebook page called "I Support Constable Zachary Rolfe" posted daily updates from inside the criminal trial. In March of 2022, more than two years after Mr Walker died, his family held their breath for almost six weeks as they gathered each day in Darwin's Supreme Court — more than a 1,000 kilometres from home — and stood in the same room as the man who took their loved one's life. Mr Rolfe sat in the public gallery while he was on trial for murder, as COVID-19 restrictions at the time forced half of the jury into the dock. Eventually, the Warlpiri mob watched the cop accused of murdering their loved one walk free from the Supreme Court — acquitted of all charges. A win for many in the police force, and the unions which backed him, which vehemently believed he should never have been charged in the first place. It was the end of one courtroom ordeal, but marked the beginning of the next three years for a community and a police force which hadn't even begun to heal their shattered relationship. Six months later, Mr Walker's family were back in another courtroom. Still hundreds of kilometres from home, and still calling for "Justice for Walker". Justice to them, however, could no longer look like Mr Rolfe going to jail. The coroner's court opened with an Acknowledgement of Country and an invitation for Mr Walker's loved ones to be heard. With the evidence live-streamed, translated into multiple Aboriginal languages and the coroner travelling to Yuendumu herself, the coronial inquest could not have been more different than the criminal trial. "It was identified very early in the inquest, I think, by the coroner herself, that a key factor here is this wasn't just two young men meeting in a house one night," Gerard Mullins KC, representing some of Mr Walker's family, said. "It was a history of both the Warlpiri people, and what they had been through historically, and also the Northern Territory police and their attitudes to Indigenous people." As she opened what was supposed to be a three-month investigation into the shooting, Judge Elisabeth Armitage asked herself one question: "Do I know the story of Kumanjayi Walker and Constable Zachary Rolfe? "Do you?" With a comforting smile from her bench overlooking courtroom one in the Alice Springs Local Court, Judge Armitage invited the 16 interested parties to "look a little deeper and listen a little longer". Almost three years later, the judge once again travelled down the Tanami Road into Yuendumu, with a 683-page report tucked under her arm. She addressed the community for almost an hour, in remarks which were also broadcast live on national television. Somehow, she managed to keep her voice from wavering, as she summarised the findings which will likely define her career. "Kumanjayi's death in Yuendumu on 9 November, 2019 was avoidable," she found. "Mr Rolfe was racist. "He worked in, and was the beneficiary of, an organisation with hallmarks of institutional racism." If a reckoning in the ranks of the Northern Territory Police Force wasn't required before, there was no escaping it now. "The fact that [racism] did exist and the fact that it was permitted and fostered is just not acceptable," Acting Commissioner Martin Dole said. "There's probably some feelings of hurt amongst the police force, there's probably some feelings of denial. After examining an 8,000-page download of Mr Rolfe's phone, the coroner found racial slurs were "normalised" between officers on the Alice Springs beat, with no disciplinary consequence. "I find that these and similar messages reveal the extent to which Mr Rolfe had dehumanised the largely Aboriginal population he was policing, his disinterest in the risk of injury associated with his hands on policing style, and the sense of impunity with which he approached the use of force," Judge Armitage wrote. While she said she could not find with "certainty" that Mr Rolfe's racist attitudes contributed to Mr Walker's death, she also could not rule it out. "That I cannot exclude that possibility is a tragedy for Kumanjayi's family and community who will always believe that racism played an integral part in Kumanjayi's death; and it is a taint that may stain the NT police," Jude Armitage wrote. But the coroner, as she had flagged from the very beginning, was looking deeper than Zachary Rolfe and Kumanjayi Walker. She found Mr Walker's problems began before he was even born, exposed to alcohol in utero and violence, trauma and neglect in his formative years. Despite being deeply loved — and now sorely missed — by his family, Mr Walker struggled at every turn. Mr Rolfe, the coroner found, was not just a "bad apple", but a product of an environment which fostered problematic attitudes and behaviour. "Grotesque" examples of racism within the force's most elite unit were ignored by the then-commissioner of NT police, Michael Murphy, and five senior officers insisted a so-called "C**n of the Year" award had no racist connotations. "That no police member who knew of these awards reported them, is, in my view, clear evidence of entrenched, systemic and structural racism within the NT Police," Judge Armitage found. "Yapa [Warlpiri people] have known that, we have felt that," Ms Fernandez-Brown said. Mr Rolfe rejected many of the coroner's remarks, particularly those which suggested he ignored his training and lied, when he claimed Mr Walker had reached for his gun during the fatal scuffle, and suggested he is considering seeking a judicial review in the Supreme Court. "Insofar as some may hold a view to the contrary, this was never about race," he said in a statement. The coroner's long-awaited findings were due to be handed down in June, but days before her scheduled trip to Yuendumu, the community was plunged into sorry business again. Another young Warlpiri man, Kumanjayi White, died in police custody on the floor of an Alice Springs supermarket. The delay meant the report was, somewhat ironically, delivered at the start of NAIDOC week, when the 2025 theme was "The Next Generation: Strength, Vision & Legacy". As Warlpiri kids on school holidays played ball games in the centre of the community, largely oblivious to the tragedy around them, the idea of what "Justice for Walker" looked like, was changing shape. "'Justice looks like putting trust back in us and not undermining the authority, wisdom, knowledge, power and most importantly the love that exists here," Ms Fernandez-Brown said. "Justice looks like people coming to that table and ensuring that they have a genuine intention to make sure this doesn't happen again."