
Are Syria's Kurds next at risk of sectarian violence? – DW – 07/26/2025
In the aftermath of the latest violence against minorities in Syria, military representatives of Syria's largest minority, the around 2.5 million Kurds, have now clarified that for them, "disarmament is a red line."
On Thursday, Farhad Shami, the spokesperson for the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), told the local TV channel al-Youm TV that "those betting on our capitulation will lose, the tragic events have made that clear." He was referring to the deadly violence between Bedouin Arab tribes and the third-largest religious minority, the Druze, which rattled the country earlier this month.
Stating the SDF's "red line" is all the more significant, as Syria's Kurds are also politically at a critical juncture.
A planned meeting on Thursday in Paris about key details of an earlier peace deal between the Kurds and Syria's interim government led by President Ahmed al-Sharaa was postponed, and has not yet been rescheduled.
The sticking points of the agreement, meant to be implemented by the end of the year, are the integration of the Kurdish forces into Damascus' national army and the authority over Syria's Kurdish region with its border crossings to Iraq and Turkey, as well as the region's oil fields and prisons with thousands of "Islamic State" fighters.
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Meanwhile, a Syrian government source told the news agency AFP that "using the events in Sweida or along the coast [where violence against the Alawite minority took place in spring this year] to justify refusing to return to the state fold is a manipulation of public opinion."
"A genuine national dialogue cannot happen under the threat of weapons or with backing from foreign powers," the source added.
On Wednesday, however, The Associated Press news agency reported that Damascus had requested Turkey's support to strengthen Syrian defense capabilities. Ankara is known as fierce supporter of Syria's interim president.
Turkey also considers the Kurds in Syria to be affiliated with the Kurdistan Workers' Party, PKK, which is categorized as terrorist organization by Turkey, the EU and US. Therefore, Turkey would like to see the Syrian Kurdish forces either integrate in Syria's national army, or to lay down their weapons along with the recently announced end of the PKK and the symbolic weapons' destruction ceremony in Iraqi Kurdistan on July 11.
Turkey has also been trying to clinch a defense agreement with Damascus. But such a deal would reportedly include establishing Turkish military bases on Syrian territory, presumably in Syria's northeast where the Kurdish population resides under the administration of the Kurdish-led Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria.
According to the AP agency, Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan has warned Kurdish and other groups in Syria against exploiting the tensions in Syria's south to pursue autonomy. He also stated that any attempt to divide Syria would be viewed as a direct threat to Turkey's national security and could prompt intervention.
While it remains to be seen if, or to what extent, the Syrian Kurds will maintain their semi-autonomy in Syria's northeast within the frame of the peace deal with Damascus, it is the general quest for autonomy that differentiates the Kurds from other factions in the country. However, all have called on Damascus to uphold their rights as minorities in the country.
"If minorities such as the Druze, Alawites and Christians are not granted inclusive rights, the Kurds will not give up any of their specific demands either," Mohamed Noureddine, a Beirut-based Middle East professor at the Lebanese University, told DW.
"Unless the administration of Ahmed al-Sharaa in Damascus establishes a dialogue and adopts a constitution that treats all citizens equally, there will be no stability," he said.
Al-Sharaa has repeatedly said he will uphold the rights of minorities and guarantee protection, although not all the factions of his government support this stance. Recent attacks on minorities were allegedly exacerbated by governmental forces.
"If the Kurds feel significantly threatened by Turkish offerings of security sector support to Damascus, I could easily see Israel taking advantage of that," said Natasha Hall, a foreign policy expert at the Washington-based Center for Strategic and International Studies.
"We already know there's been a relationship between Kurds in various countries and Israel, as part of Israel's sort of grander plan to establish relationships with minorities across the Middle East," she told DW.
Earlier this month, Israel targeted the headquarters of the Syrian Defense Ministry in central Damascus and government forces in Sweida in support of the Druze minority.
"We could see an insurgency in the foreseeable future unless the US decides to actually hold the hand of various warring parties and support security sector reform and the unification of the army," said Hall.
In her view, this would also include the safe handoff of the US-backed but Kurdish-run prisons with some 9,000 suspected members of the "Islamic State" terror group, along with some 40,000 IS fighters and their families in Kurdish-led detention camps.
If the Kurds and Damascus were aligned in these matters, Hall believes it could also hold Israel back and allay the concerns of the Kurds and the Turks — but only with stringent security agreements and guarantees of rights, she added.
"The question is whether or not the administration in Washington has any kind of patience for those details," she said.
After 14 years of civil war, a lot needs to be done in Syria's post-conflict environment to address its different factions and shattered economy.
"Balancing the different ideologies in warring factions in Syria would be challenging for any Syrian leader," said Hall. "Even if you were talking about someone with a very clean record, not Ahmed al-Sharaa [who used to have links to Islamist extremist groups before he became the country's interim president in December], this would be a very difficult balancing act, to say the least."
However, in her view, for Syria and all of the Syrian minorities it is not just a "nice thing" to have national reconciliation.
"It is something that is very necessary to ensure stability and peace for the future."
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DW
2 days ago
- DW
Are Syria's Kurds next at risk of sectarian violence? – DW – 07/26/2025
Following deadly clashes against the Druze and Alawites minorities, and amid the planned dissolution of the Kurdish PKK, Syria's Kurds are at a critical juncture. To what extent do Turkey, Israel and the US have a say? In the aftermath of the latest violence against minorities in Syria, military representatives of Syria's largest minority, the around 2.5 million Kurds, have now clarified that for them, "disarmament is a red line." On Thursday, Farhad Shami, the spokesperson for the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), told the local TV channel al-Youm TV that "those betting on our capitulation will lose, the tragic events have made that clear." He was referring to the deadly violence between Bedouin Arab tribes and the third-largest religious minority, the Druze, which rattled the country earlier this month. Stating the SDF's "red line" is all the more significant, as Syria's Kurds are also politically at a critical juncture. A planned meeting on Thursday in Paris about key details of an earlier peace deal between the Kurds and Syria's interim government led by President Ahmed al-Sharaa was postponed, and has not yet been rescheduled. The sticking points of the agreement, meant to be implemented by the end of the year, are the integration of the Kurdish forces into Damascus' national army and the authority over Syria's Kurdish region with its border crossings to Iraq and Turkey, as well as the region's oil fields and prisons with thousands of "Islamic State" fighters. To view this video please enable JavaScript, and consider upgrading to a web browser that supports HTML5 video Meanwhile, a Syrian government source told the news agency AFP that "using the events in Sweida or along the coast [where violence against the Alawite minority took place in spring this year] to justify refusing to return to the state fold is a manipulation of public opinion." "A genuine national dialogue cannot happen under the threat of weapons or with backing from foreign powers," the source added. On Wednesday, however, The Associated Press news agency reported that Damascus had requested Turkey's support to strengthen Syrian defense capabilities. Ankara is known as fierce supporter of Syria's interim president. Turkey also considers the Kurds in Syria to be affiliated with the Kurdistan Workers' Party, PKK, which is categorized as terrorist organization by Turkey, the EU and US. Therefore, Turkey would like to see the Syrian Kurdish forces either integrate in Syria's national army, or to lay down their weapons along with the recently announced end of the PKK and the symbolic weapons' destruction ceremony in Iraqi Kurdistan on July 11. Turkey has also been trying to clinch a defense agreement with Damascus. But such a deal would reportedly include establishing Turkish military bases on Syrian territory, presumably in Syria's northeast where the Kurdish population resides under the administration of the Kurdish-led Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria. According to the AP agency, Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan has warned Kurdish and other groups in Syria against exploiting the tensions in Syria's south to pursue autonomy. He also stated that any attempt to divide Syria would be viewed as a direct threat to Turkey's national security and could prompt intervention. While it remains to be seen if, or to what extent, the Syrian Kurds will maintain their semi-autonomy in Syria's northeast within the frame of the peace deal with Damascus, it is the general quest for autonomy that differentiates the Kurds from other factions in the country. However, all have called on Damascus to uphold their rights as minorities in the country. "If minorities such as the Druze, Alawites and Christians are not granted inclusive rights, the Kurds will not give up any of their specific demands either," Mohamed Noureddine, a Beirut-based Middle East professor at the Lebanese University, told DW. "Unless the administration of Ahmed al-Sharaa in Damascus establishes a dialogue and adopts a constitution that treats all citizens equally, there will be no stability," he said. Al-Sharaa has repeatedly said he will uphold the rights of minorities and guarantee protection, although not all the factions of his government support this stance. Recent attacks on minorities were allegedly exacerbated by governmental forces. "If the Kurds feel significantly threatened by Turkish offerings of security sector support to Damascus, I could easily see Israel taking advantage of that," said Natasha Hall, a foreign policy expert at the Washington-based Center for Strategic and International Studies. "We already know there's been a relationship between Kurds in various countries and Israel, as part of Israel's sort of grander plan to establish relationships with minorities across the Middle East," she told DW. Earlier this month, Israel targeted the headquarters of the Syrian Defense Ministry in central Damascus and government forces in Sweida in support of the Druze minority. "We could see an insurgency in the foreseeable future unless the US decides to actually hold the hand of various warring parties and support security sector reform and the unification of the army," said Hall. In her view, this would also include the safe handoff of the US-backed but Kurdish-run prisons with some 9,000 suspected members of the "Islamic State" terror group, along with some 40,000 IS fighters and their families in Kurdish-led detention camps. If the Kurds and Damascus were aligned in these matters, Hall believes it could also hold Israel back and allay the concerns of the Kurds and the Turks — but only with stringent security agreements and guarantees of rights, she added. "The question is whether or not the administration in Washington has any kind of patience for those details," she said. After 14 years of civil war, a lot needs to be done in Syria's post-conflict environment to address its different factions and shattered economy. "Balancing the different ideologies in warring factions in Syria would be challenging for any Syrian leader," said Hall. "Even if you were talking about someone with a very clean record, not Ahmed al-Sharaa [who used to have links to Islamist extremist groups before he became the country's interim president in December], this would be a very difficult balancing act, to say the least." However, in her view, for Syria and all of the Syrian minorities it is not just a "nice thing" to have national reconciliation. "It is something that is very necessary to ensure stability and peace for the future."


Int'l Business Times
3 days ago
- Int'l Business Times
French Court To Rule On Assad Immunity In Chemical Attack Case
France's highest court is to decide Friday whether to uphold an arrest warrant against Syria's ex-president Bashar al-Assad as part of a probe into deadly 2013 chemical attacks during the country's civil war. Rights activists say that if the Court of Cassation confirms Assad does not enjoy immunity due to the severity of the accusations, it could set a major precedent in international law towards holding war criminals to account. But if the reasoning is that the warrant is valid because France did not consider Assad to be a legitimate ruler at the time of the alleged crimes, it would not have the same impact. French authorities issued the warrant against Assad in November 2023 over his alleged role in the chain of command for a sarin gas attack that killed more than 1,000 people, according to US intelligence, on August 4 and 5, 2013 in Adra and Douma outside Damascus. Assad is accused of complicity in war crimes and crimes against humanity in the case, though Syrian authorities at the time denied involvement and blamed rebels. The French judiciary tackled the case under the principle of universal jurisdiction, whereby a court may prosecute individuals for serious crimes committed in other countries. An investigation -- based on testimonies of survivors and military defectors, as well as photos and video footage -- led to warrants for the arrest of Assad, his brother Maher who headed an elite army unit, and two generals. Public prosecutors approved three of the warrants, but issued an appeal against the one targeting Assad, arguing he should have immunity as a head of state. The Paris Court of Appeal in June last year however upheld it, and prosecutors again appealed. Assad's circumstances have since changed. He and his family fled to Russia, according to Russian authorities, after Islamist-led rebels toppled him in December last year. Agnes Callamard, a French human rights activist and the secretary general of Amnesty International, said the court's decision could "pave the way for a major precedent in international law" if it decided immunity should be lifted in certain cases. "A ruling lifting Bashar al-Assad's immunity would help strengthen the founding principles of international law in its fight against the impunity of war criminals," she wrote in the newspaper Liberation on Thursday. Callamard however noted that it was unlikely any arrest warrant would lead to Assad being detained as he was protected by Russia. The high court's prosecutor has recommended the arrest warrant be upheld, but on the grounds that France had not recognised Assad as the legitimate ruler of Syria since 2012. Mazen Darwish, a prominent Syrian lawyer who heads the Syrian Center for Media and Freedom of Expression, a civil party to the case, said the prosecutor's argument was "very clever". But it "undermines the moral foundation" according to which "immunity should not apply" in cases of war crimes and crimes against humanity, he said. The reasoning "also grants a single foreign government the power to decide who is or is not a legitimate head of state, which sets an extremely dangerous precedent", he said. French investigating magistrates in January issued a second arrest warrant against Assad for suspected complicity in war crimes for a bombing in the Syrian city of Deraa in 2017 that killed a French-Syrian civilian. Friday's hearing is scheduled to start at 1300 GMT.


DW
4 days ago
- DW
Amid violence in Syria, pressure on interim government grows – DW – 07/23/2025
The latest violence in Syria shows just how far the country has to go to overcome decades of repression and division stoked by its previous rulers. Can the country's new government get the situation under control? Although the ceasefire in the southern Syrian province of Sweida is currently holding, the conflict between the groups involved is far from resolved. As a precaution, the Syrian government was sending Bedouin-Sunni families out of the area over the weekend, the country's state media outlet SANA reported. Altogether, around 1,500 people were transported out of the province by bus. Violence escalated after conflict broke out between local Druze fighters and Bedouin communities in Sweida around 10 days ago. According to the Netherlands-based monitor, Syrian Network for Human Rights, around 600 people have been killed so far. Another organization in the UK, the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights, has suggested the death toll could be twice as high. The deadly violence and large casualty count has put the country's new interim government, headed by former rebel militia leader Ahmad al-Sharaa, under even more pressure. It's most urgent task now is to end the violence in Sweida — permanently. That necessitates reconciliation between different community groups in the country, groups that have been split for decades, with the previous authoritarian Assad regime using their differences to remain in power. The violence in Sweida between Druze and Sunni-Bedouins is not the first of its kind since the Assad regime was ousted in December. In March, clashes between members of the Alawite minority and other Syrians saw around 1,500 people killed, including many civilians. It's possible that members of militias close to the Syrian government were responsible for some of the crimes committed in Alawite-majority areas. The Assad family, which ruled Syria for over four decades, were also Alawites, and some Syrians mistakenly see the whole community as supporting the brutal dictatorship. To view this video please enable JavaScript, and consider upgrading to a web browser that supports HTML5 video An investigation into the March events has just been handed to the interim government. The fact-finding committee concluded that more than 1,426 people were killed and that there was widespread criminal activity, including killing and looting, but that Syrian military commanders did not order any of these acts. The government will have to decide how to act on the report. Al-Sharaa faces significant challenges, said Middle East expert Carsten Wieland, who has written several books about Syria. Recent events have undermined al-Sharaa's claim that he can be president for all Syrians, in a unified country. "Many Syrians are growing skeptical of a state that apparently does not have its own security forces under control," Wieland told DW. This makes the fact-finding report all the more important, he added. "It is of enormous importance that there are public explanations about who is responsible for what and that they are held accountable." Syria still has a long way to go, confirmed Ronja Herrschner, a lecturer in political studies and researcher in Middle East studies at the University of Tübingen in southern Germany. "Still, despite all his shortcomings, I've heard that al-Sharaa continues to enjoy a fairly good reputation, at least among Sunni Syrians," said Herrschner. "He's still seen as the man who liberated Syria from the Assad regime. That's why he continues to enjoy a certain degree of trust among Sunnis. But that's not necessarily true for members of [Syrian] minority groups." According to an op-ed in the pan-Arabic media outlet, , al-Sharaa is facing serious pressure from both outside and inside his government. External pressure comes from former supporters of the Assad regime, forces affiliated with Iran — Assad's former backer — and criminal groups involved with drug trafficking, with Assad funding his regime with money from manufacturing and selling the amphetamine Captagon. Internal pressure is also coming from more hardcore elements among al-Sharaa's own supporters. These more extremist-Islamist forces are likely to clash with community groups who don't share their worldview. That, in turn, could draw in foreign actors and start a new civil war, the newspaper comments. Al-Sharaa's support base is actually quite thin, Wieland argue, with many of the fighters who support him thinking along sectarian lines. "This is the dangerous part of this younger generation," Wieland explained. "They constitute a political reality and the question is how al-Sharaa gets rid of these people without falling victim to them." After the various intercommunal conflicts, there are increasingly large numbers of community groups that also want to take revenge on others. "Al-Sharaa needs to get them under control too," said Wieland. Foreign allies are continuing to support al-Sharaa, said Herrschner. She explained that the US wants to withdraw from Syria altogether and can only do so if the country remains stable, a condition they hope al-Sharaa's interim government can achieve. "The same applies to the Gulf states," Herrschner told DW. "They too are naturally interested in stability in Syria. And that's why they too are counting on al-Sharaa." Wieland agreed, adding that Syrai's foreign allies don't want to see another proxy war starting there. "Israel is clearly pursuing the opposite goal at the moment," he said. "Namely to divide the society there, in order to weaken the country. This should raise alarm bells in a region where state failure and civil wars are widespread phenomena." This is precisely why the US recently opposed Israel's bombing of Syria, he added. Over the past week and a half, Israel again bombed Syria — including central Damascus — and said it was doing so in order to "protect" the Druze in Sweida. However, Israel then agreed to a ceasefire with the Syrian government, apparently under pressure from the US. An unstable and increasingly divided Syria is not in the interests of the US or the Europeans, said Wieland. "And at the moment, none of those countries sees an alternative to al-Sharaa."To view this video please enable JavaScript, and consider upgrading to a web browser that supports HTML5 video