
Immigration raids derail Los Angeles economy as workers go into hiding
Framers and landscapers are abandoning job sites. Retail shop renovations have stopped midway. Real estate developers say they're struggling to find crews to keep projects on track in a sector that relies heavily on immigrant labor.
"We don't have enough people to staff the work, and we're scrambling to figure it out,' said Arturo Sneider, chief executive officer of Primestor, a manager of $1.2 billion in shopping centers and 3,000 apartments under development in California and three other states. "It's triggering delays.'
President Donald Trump's deportation campaign has roiled workplaces and communities from Florida to Illinois and New York. But few places are feeling the shock as acutely as LA, a longtime sanctuary city and home to one of the nation's largest migrant labor forces.
Between June 6 and June 22, immigration agents arrested more than 1,600 people across the LA area — at car washes, construction sites and day-laborer hubs such as Home Depot parking lots. The scope of the crackdown has rattled neighborhoods. Businesses have shuttered, police overtime costs have surged and Fourth of July events in Latino areas were canceled amid fears of apprehensions.
The wave of detentions sparked a week of protests in downtown LA and outlying suburbs, some turning violent. Trump deployed the National Guard and U.S. Marines to protect federal property, dismissing the objections of Democratic Gov. Gavin Newsom.
Portraits of people taken by immigration authorities are displayed on a board beside paper butterflies symbolizing migration, in front of City Hall during the 'No Kings' protest following federal immigration operations in Los Angeles on Friday. |
AFP-JIJI
While the demonstrations have largely eased, the Trump administration escalated tensions last week by suing LA over its refusal to cooperate with federal agents. Homeland Security officials argued in the case that the city's sanctuary policies — which limit local cooperation with federal immigration authorities — obstruct enforcement and create instability.
Mayor Karen Bass vowed to fight the lawsuit despite the cost to the city's already stretched budget. The raids are doing "severe economic damage' and undercutting efforts to rebuild after the fires, she said.
"We know that Los Angeles is the test case, and we will stand strong,' Bass said. "We do so because the people snatched off city streets and chased through parking lots are our coworkers, our neighbors, our family members, and they are Angelenos.'
A DHS official disputed the link between economic health and immigration enforcement.
"If there was any correlation between rampant illegal immigration and a good economy, Biden would have had a booming economy,' Department of Homeland Security Assistant Secretary Tricia McLaughlin said in an emailed statement, referring to former President Joe Biden.
Before the raids, the second-largest U.S. city was already facing economic strains unlike any in decades.
A nanny in the process of obtaining her permanent residency remains inside on June 19 after immigration raids in Los Angeles. |
Gabriela Bhaskar / The New York Times
Imports through the Port of Los Angeles, a key gateway for global commerce, dropped 19% in April from a month earlier as Trump's tariffs disrupted trade flows. Hollywood studios are losing ground to overseas markets, prompting California lawmakers to double film tax incentives to $750 million.
Housing permits, which had already plunged 57% in the city of LA during the first quarter, had just begun to rebound before migrant arrests surged in June, according to real estate consulting firm Hilgard Analytics.
"Papers or not, fear spreads quickly,' Hilgard Founding Principal Joshua Baum said. "When workers do not feel safe showing up to job sites, it slows down not only the pace of construction, but also the willingness to propose new projects in the first place.'
The scale of the reconstruction effort is immense. The wildfires, which erupted Jan. 7, torched more than 16,000 structures across the region, from Pacific Palisades to Altadena.
Rebuilding those areas could require an additional 70,000 workers by mid-2026, according to a report by the Urban Land Institute, University of California at Los Angeles and the University of Southern California. Today's construction workforce in LA County is about 145,000.
People gather to protest against an early morning immigration raid near a doughnut shop in Pasadena, California, on June 18. |
REUTERS
Some contractors are taking extraordinary measures to shield workers, said Clare De Briere, founder of LA-based C+C Ventures and a lead author of a post-fire rebuilding report. An example is moving portable toilets from the curbs to backyards so workers won't be visible from the street, she said.
"We're already labor challenged and you're adding unpredictability through the raids, which is only going to increase costs and slow things down,' De Briere said. "Nothing good related to these projects is going to come from ICE raids,' referring to U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement.
Reconstruction is barely getting going. In the Eaton Fire zone east of LA, only 66 building permits have been issued out of more than 900 applications. About 150 scorched lots are up for sale — a number that keeps growing as more owners discover they can't afford to rebuild.
"Already people trying to rebuild have huge gaps in financing, where every dollar counts,' Tim Kawahara, executive director of the Ziman Center for Real Estate at UCLA, said in an interview. "Increased labor costs will just add to that and potentially make it more challenging to rebuild.'
LA County had about 3.4 million immigrants — a third of its population — including almost 700,000 undocumented residents in 2019, according to a report by Los Angeles Economic Development, which is preparing a study of the deportation campaign's economic impact. An estimated 14.5% of the construction workforce was undocumented, second only to 17.1% in hospitality, the report said.
A previously bustling park now sees a handful of nannies and parents with their kids on June 19 after immigration raids swept across Los Angeles. |
Gabriela Bhaskar / The New York Times
The full impact of the immigration enforcement is hard to track because many workers toil in the underground economy. One early indicator: Ridership on LA public transit fell as much as 15% in the two weeks after immigration raids began June 6, the first drop after 30 months of gains, according to LA Metro spokesman Patrick Chandler.
New social media videos, mostly shot on shaky cellphones, are circulating daily and spreading fear.
They've shown workers handcuffed at the Bubble Bath car wash. A team in military uniforms was recorded blowing open a home in pursuit of a suspect. A blue-vested Walmart employee was taken into custody after trying to protect a colleague. A landscape worker and father of three U.S. Marines was punched repeatedly during a take down.
"The community feels hunted,' said Angelica Salas, executive director of the Coalition for Humane Immigrant Rights of Los Angeles. Her group joined a lawsuit last week accusing federal agencies of targeting people "on the basis of their skin color and occupation' in mass roundups.
People are scared because the apprehensions are conducted in some cases by agents wearing masks, with little explanation or identification.
"You have a concern about being targeted, because of the way you look,' said Sneider, who said his projects in Arizona and Nevada have been disrupted as well. "So even people that have full citizenship or status are concerned to just go out.'
Agents detained about 30 people at a Home Depot parking lot in Hollywood on June 19, including a U.S. citizen who recorded an agent smashing a truck window.
A week later, day laborers waited warily for work outside the store, many now keeping their documentation close-at-hand.
"I've got my Real ID here and my passport at home,' said Melvin Maldonado, a native of Guatemala who offered handyman services for $30 an hour. "We're good people trying to feed our families.'
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Japan Times
11 hours ago
- Japan Times
China biotech's stunning advance is changing the world's drug pipeline
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Japan Times
14 hours ago
- Japan Times
What will it take to end Iran's nuke program? An army.
In the weeks since the U.S. attacked the Iranian nuclear program with 30,000-pound "bunker busting' bombs and submarine-launched Tomahawk missiles, we've heard wide variation in how much damage has been done overall. American President Donald Trump's claim that the U.S. had "obliterated' the Iranian nuclear program was widely challenged and current assessments have broadly settled on "severe damage' that has set back the program 12 to 24 months. What is largely not disputed is that 800-plus pounds of enriched uranium remains somewhere in Iran; that some number of the critical enrichment machines (gas centrifuges, cascade structures, precision bearings) are likely still in Iranian hands; and, indisputably, that the scientific knowhow to produce an atomic bomb still exists in the minds of Iranian scientists, engineers and technologists who survived the strikes. When Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of Israel and Trump met last week, they were in agreement: Iran can never be permitted to have a nuclear weapon. But from there, the beliefs diverge. Israel probably wants more strikes to find and destroy the uranium stockpile and machinery, and to assassinate leading scientists. Trump likely wants to avoid more strikes, seeking to find a diplomatic and economic solution that doesn't drag the U.S. further into another Middle East war. But the fact is, neither of these approaches would achieve that ultimate goal of ensuring the Tehran regime never produces a viable nuclear arsenal. So, what would it actually require? Certainly, more than the American people, their elected officials and the military would be eager to undertake any time soon. One way to think about this is to look at the 2003 invasion of in Iraq. Yes, we all know it turned out that Iraqi dictator Saddam Hussein didn't have a nuclear weapons program. But, paradoxically, the mission intended to find it must be considered a military success in terms of achieving its objective. That effort provides a blueprint for what it would take to truly obliterate a nation's weapons research programs. I remember the invasion of Iraq clearly. Immediately after 9/11, I was promoted to a one-star rear admiral's rank and head of the Navy's new tactical antiterrorist think tank, called "Deep Blue.' My mission was to come up with ways to defeat al-Qaida forces who had perpetrated the attack on the U.S. Given our focus on finding and eliminating terrorist groups in Afghanistan, I was surprised to hear more and more discussion in the Pentagon about invading Iraq. Operational plans were underway to remove Saddam's regime, on the presumption that he had a capable program for weapons of mass destruction. That intelligence turned out to be wrong. But at the time, the objective for the military was to destroy what we believed was an extensive Iraqi nuclear program. I remember reviewing those plans and they were far, far from a series of precision strikes. They included an initial force of more than 150,000 ground troops (U.S. and British); another 200,000 supporting troops; almost 2,000 combat aircraft for 24,000 sorties in the first six weeks, with 65,000 airmen supporting; and more than 100 naval warships 60,000 sailors. Several thousand highly trained special forces members were also to be engaged. Ultimately, nearly 40 nations participated in the operation that began in 2003, including a major NATO training mission which I would eventually command. The plan also envisioned that Shiite Muslim militias — opposed to Saddam's Sunni-led regime — would rise up and fight alongside our forces. I recall another rear admiral speaking in football parlance that "Shias go long,' like NFL wide receivers. Wishful thinking aside, here's the point: This was a massive undertaking that ultimately cost the U.S. trillions of dollars, thousands of combat deaths and tens of thousands of life-changing wounds and countless Iraqi civilian lives. It was costly, bloody and painful. Nonetheless, every government lab was inspected and neutralized; key scientific personnel were identified, interrogated and placed under surveillance. Machinery was destroyed and factories converted to other uses. But this required, above all, boots on the ground. It simply could not have been done in Iraq with a handful of airstrikes and clusters of Tomahawk missiles. Now let's look at Iran. It is nearly four times the size of Iraq, with a population roughly twice as large. Unlike the case in Baghdad, we know with absolute certainly — because of international inspectors — that Iran has an active and impressive program to build not only nuclear weapons but also ballistic missiles to deliver them. Thus, the challenge to obliterate that capability is immense, far greater than in Iraq. It would require invading Iran with hundreds of thousands of ground troops, occupying the country and systematically dismantling the state. Could we do that? Yes, but the costs would be enormous. Would the Iranian people greet us as liberators and turn their nation into a democratic beacon in a turbulent region? Uh, we heard exactly that about Iraq. Didn't work out well. If our leaders are going to call for obliterating the Iranian nuclear program, they need to be clear-eyed. Perhaps someday an overwhelming military option may be needed, but for now let's see what we can accomplish at the bargaining table. And tell the Israelis to cool their jets, literally. Any potential deal needs to include a guarantee of open inspections by international bodies anywhere, anytime; no uranium enrichment within Iran (if the regime truly wants low-enriched material for an energy program, it can come from a neutral third site); termination of long-range ballistic missile research and testing; and no further support to terrorist or proxy groups threatening the U.S., Arab states or Israel. In return, we can offer a graduated series of steps to relieve sanctions; cooperation on peaceful nuclear power; and economic incentives — for the Europeans, a peaceful Iran could be a very attractive investment opportunity. Over the long haul, we can always go back to the Pentagon and pull out the war plans to invade Iran — and the Tehran leadership knows it. But we shouldn't kid ourselves about what can be accomplished strictly with low-cost and low-risk airstrikes. To truly obliterate the Iranian nuclear plan would be shockingly costly and painful. Far better to try again diplomatically. The ghosts of Iraq demand no less. [Bio]James Stavridis is a Bloomberg Opinion columnist, a retired U.S. Navy admiral, former supreme allied commander of NATO and vice chairman of global affairs at the Carlyle Group.[/bio]