
Govt misguided on language issue in JTET, says forum
Ranchi: Akhil Bhartiya Bhojpuri, Maghi, Maithili, Angika Manch on Sunday alleged that a few political leaders and officials were misguiding the govt to have a step motherly attitude towards the four languages.
Notably, the manch has expressed resentment over exclusion of the languages in Jharkhand's Teacher's Eligibility Test adding that the state govt should reconsider its decision.
RJD spokesperson Kailash Yadav stated that during a meeting held in Harmu the manch reiterated its demand for inclusion of the four languages in the employment policy.
He said that the manch has decided to extend its activities in the state adding that region wise in-charges would be appointed. The organization would also conduct mass awareness programme from the district to state levels on its issues, he said.
Yadav added that speakers emphasized on unity among people for persuading the state govt to give recognition to Bhojpuri, Maghi, Maithili, Angika and include them as second languages.
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Indian Express
25 minutes ago
- Indian Express
Unmasking the social justice script of the Bihar Mahagathbandhan
When the Bihar government under the Mahagathbandhan banner initiated a state-level caste-based survey in 2023, it was presented as a transformative step toward social justice. Headlines glorified it, campaign speeches claimed it was a revolutionary milestone, and Tejashwi Yadav projected himself as a champion of backward caste empowerment. In reality, this was a political manoeuvre, engineered more for headlines than for genuine upliftment. Despite being marketed as a caste census, the exercise was no census in the legal or scientific sense. A census is a rigorous, legally-backed exercise typically conducted under the Census Act of 1948 by the central government. It involves trained enumerators, standardised formats, multiple rounds of verification, and most importantly, national uniformity in execution. This, however, was a state-level caste survey with no statutory backing, limited standardisation, and questionable accuracy. By contrast, the so-called 'caste survey' under the Mahagathbandhan government was a hurriedly executed, state-level data collection exercise; conducted without clear methodological transparency and was not supported by any judicial or policy framework to integrate its findings into actionable governance. In short, it was not a caste census, but a political sampler, and a poor one at that. The most glaring weakness of this exercise was its failure to move beyond numerical enumeration. It told us how many people belong to a particular caste, but it said nothing about how they live. No data was collected on: Poverty levels by caste, literacy and dropout rates, access to health and sanitation, participation in public employment or government schemes, regional disparities within caste groups, etc. In essence, the survey reduced Bahujans, Dalits, EBCs, and Adivasis to population units, not policy subjects. It provided no basis for targeted interventions, sectoral budgeting, or proportional programmatic allocation. It offered visibility without viability. Tejashwi Yadav, despite his political positioning, did little to bridge this gap. The absence of follow-up frameworks — no deprivation index, no targeted welfare expansion, no legal roadmap — shows how shallow the intent really was. The real objective was clear: Consolidate the M-Y (Muslim-Yadav) vote bank. This M-Y axis has been the bedrock of the RJD's electoral strategy since its inception. The caste survey functioned as a numerical reaffirmation of this strategy, cloaked in the language of representation. However, the most deprived and voiceless sections of Bihar's caste spectrum, that is, the Mahadalits, SC sub-groups, Adivasis, EBCs like Nonia, Kevat, Tanti, and Musahar, remained peripheral to both data collection and policy direction. 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By working toward policies grounded in empirical evidence and legal clarity, he has positioned himself as one of the few national leaders genuinely invested in transformative social justice. His role has not just been performative; it has been policy-oriented. His work stands as a counter-model to the politics of Tejashwi Yadav and the Congress in Telangana -— where counting was the goal, not correcting. Chirag's politics is not about how many are included in a speech but how many are included in development. The Mahagathbandhan's caste survey failed because it mistook enumeration for emancipation. It was an electoral strategy disguised as empowerment. The Bahujans, once again, were used as political capital, reduced to statistics, not stakeholders. There has been no follow-up scholarship scheme, no targeted employment drive, no caste-wise health mission, no SC/ST/OBC land redistribution proposal. Just data and drama. Social justice is not a rallying cry. It is a roadmap. It requires painstaking institutional effort, credible data architecture, and inclusive policy building. Tejashwi Yadav fails on all three counts. He merely counted the Bahujans. Chirag Paswan is fighting to count them in. The writer is Member of Parliament, Jamui (LS), Chief Whip, Lok Janshakti Party (Ramvilas)


India Gazette
36 minutes ago
- India Gazette
Madhya Pradesh CM to unveil water conservation works of Rs 1,518 crore as Jal Ganga Samvardhan Abhiyan concludes today
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United News of India
36 minutes ago
- United News of India
BJP alleges INDI Bloc promoting ‘Namazwad', undermining constitutional values
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