
Zelensky names outgoing justice minister as Ukraine's US envoy
"I have signed a decree appointing Olga Stefanishyna as the Special Representative of the President of Ukraine for the Development of Cooperation with the United States," Zelensky said on social media.
"All the necessary procedures for approving her candidacy with Washington as Ukraine's ambassador to the United States are underway."
Stefanishyna would be taking over from Oksana Markarova, who faced accusations from leading US Republicans that she sided with the Democratic Party.
"She had very good contacts with the Biden administration," political analyst Volodymyr Fesenko told AFP of Markarova, adding that this led to some problems when Trump took office.
Stefanishyna took part in finalising a natural resources deal with the United States.
Zelensky said she would "continue to work with the United States on this basis, adding mutually beneficial economic substance to our political and diplomatic interaction".
Stefanishyna's nomination is a surprise turn. Zelensky had indicated that outgoing defence minister Rustem Umerov, who had taken part in negotiations with Russia, could be the next US ambassador.
"Approval had to be obtained from Washington. And they didn't get it there," lawmaker Yaroslav Zheleznyak, said on social media.
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Zawya
a day ago
- Zawya
Malaysia targeting lowest possible tariff rate in US talks, trade minister says
KUALA LUMPUR - Malaysia is aiming for the lowest possible tariff on goods exported to the United States, its trade minister said on Thursday, denying reports that it is targeting a rate of 20%. Malaysia is facing a 25% tariff on its goods unless it can reach a deal with Washington by August 1. Fellow Southeast Asian countries Vietnam, the Philippines and Indonesia have each reached their own agreements, with the Trump administration placing a 20% tariff on Vietnamese exports, and 19% on Philippine and Indonesian goods entering the United States. Malaysia's Investment, Trade and Industry Minister Tengku Zafrul Aziz said several sticking points remained in the U.S. talks, particularly on non-trade barriers, but discussions were progressing well and on track to meet the August deadline. "On balance, I think we can get to a number which we feel is fair for both parties," he told a press conference. Bloomberg reported on Tuesday, citing people familiar with the matter, that Malaysia was seeking a tariff of about 20%, which Tengku Zafrul denied. "As low as possible... the target of 20% is not the target, the target is lower than that," he said. He said there were certain concessions Malaysia was unable to make as they may be detrimental to local industries, but the country was considering every demand that would help it complete the negotiations. He did not elaborate on what the concessions would be. Tengku Zafrul has previously said Malaysia was unwilling to cross certain "red lines" in the talks, referring to U.S. demands that he said encroached on domestic interests and national sovereignty.


The National
a day ago
- The National
Strategic neutrality is a smart approach in an uncertain world
Amid escalating tensions between global powers – the US, China and Russia – the Gulf states have adopted a policy of 'strategic neutrality' as a deliberate and calculated choice. This neutrality reflects a rational and forward-looking approach that balances national interests with the evolving geopolitical landscape. It aims to protect diplomatic and economic achievements, enhance regional stability and consolidate the Gulf's leadership in both regional and international affairs. This strategy emerged as a practical response to a volatile global order marked by intensifying rivalries and competing alliances. Rather than aligning with a single axis, Gulf countries have invested in a diversified network of relationships that serve their sovereign development agendas and long-term goals. The US remains a key security partner for the Gulf, particularly in defence and arms co-operation. Yet this relationship has experienced increasing variability due to changes in US administrations and a strategic shift towards the Indo-Pacific. In parallel, China has become a principal economic partner for the region through the Belt and Road Initiative, investing in energy, infrastructure and advanced technologies such as AI and digital systems. Russia maintains influence through its energy partnership in Opec+ and its involvement in regional conflicts such as Syria and Libya. Rather than choosing sides, Gulf states have embraced 'balanced positioning' – maintaining defence and economic ties with Washington, expanding economic and technological co-operation with Beijing, and co-ordinating energy strategies with Moscow. This approach allows them to broaden their strategic space and optimise outcomes without being locked into rigid blocs or reactive alignments. A prime example of this approach was the visit of US President Donald Trump to the Gulf in May. The visit resulted in significant investment commitments by Gulf countries in the US, totalling in the trillions of dollars. These included $600 billion from Saudi Arabia in infrastructure and smart city projects, and more than $1.4 trillion in planned UAE investments targeting clean energy, artificial intelligence and a number of advanced sectors. Bahrain also signed a major package with American companies, signalling a deepening and diversified economic partnership. Gulf neutrality is not limited to great-power relations. It extends to regional diplomacy and influence. Gulf states have encouraged balanced foreign policies across the Arab world, notably with Syria, Jordan and a number of Arab states. This has involved economic support, diplomatic reintegration and quiet advocacy for lifting sanctions. Syria, in particular, illustrates this shift: the Gulf pushed for its return to the Arab League in 2023 while supporting humanitarian and developmental pathways. This stabilising role is expanding beyond the Arab core. In the Red Sea and Horn of Africa, Gulf countries are investing in ports, energy corridors and conflict mediation. Their role in Yemen peace efforts and in balancing military influence along East Africa's coastline underscores their evolution into a regional anchor of stability. As global challenges – from energy transitions to maritime security and AI governance – intensify, the GCC states face complex tests requiring strategic clarity. The Gulf countries' response to the Russia-Ukraine conflict further reflects their diplomatic agility. Key among them refrained from condemning Russia, instead calling for dialogue and restraint. They also facilitated prisoner exchanges, enhancing their reputation as neutral intermediaries. Meanwhile, they continued digital partnerships with Chinese firms, demonstrating pragmatism and a commitment to sovereign decision-making, despite western pressure. Domestically, national strategies like Saudi Vision 2030 and UAE Centennial 2071 promote economic diversification and knowledge-based growth. With more than $4 trillion in sovereign wealth assets, the Gulf enjoys financial autonomy and global investment influence. This economic depth enables the region to pursue foreign policy independently and assertively. Security policy has evolved, too. Gulf states have diversified arms sources, bolstered local defence industries and invested in cybersecurity infrastructure. Their growing ties with Turkey and new bilateral agreements reflect a broader goal: achieving strategic autonomy in a multipolar world. As part of this shift, several of them are exploring engagement with geopolitical blocs such as Brics and the Shanghai Co-operation Organisation. These moves signal a recalibration, though not without friction – Washington has issued tariff threats against countries deepening ties with rival centres of influence, clearly aimed at overtures by partners towards the East. Beyond traditional diplomacy, Gulf neutrality has morphed into soft power and global engagement. The UAE has hosted major international events such as Expo 2020 and Cop28. Qatar elevated its global standing through the Fifa World Cup, while Saudi Arabia is positioning Riyadh as a hub for investment, diplomacy and cultural exchange. These initiatives reinforce the Gulf countries' collective ambition to define – not merely follow – the contours of the global order. As global challenges – from energy transitions to maritime security and AI governance – intensify, the GCC states face complex tests requiring strategic clarity. What sets this model apart is its adaptability. It has turned geography into leverage, neutrality into influence and diversified partnerships into engines of resilience and sustainable growth. Ultimately, these states are charting a confident and forward-looking course through an era of shifting power dynamics. Strategic neutrality is no longer reactive – it is an active instrument of sovereignty, enabling the region to balance between competing forces while protecting its national interests and shaping its collective future. Whether this approach endures will depend on the Gulf countries' ability to refine it – adapting their neutrality tools to remain aligned with a world in transformation.

The National
a day ago
- The National
Ali Larijani: Iran's former speaker who is making a quiet comeback
As Iran picks itself up following last month's war with Israel, the country's leadership is trying to find a diplomatic way out of the current predicament over its nuclear programme. It has resumed engaging with other parties to the 2015 nuclear agreement (outside of the US). These include the three European powers – France, Germany and the UK – as well as China and Russia. The Europeans have threatened to use the so-called 'snapback' mechanism in the 2015 deal to re-impose UN sanctions on Iran. As it seeks to avoid such an outcome before the deadline expires next month, Tehran must also recalibrate its relations with Moscow – especially as their military co-operation in the Ukraine war has led to criticism in Europe. Ali Larijani, a former Iranian parliamentary speaker and currently an adviser to supreme leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, surprised many by travelling on Sunday to Moscow, where he met Russian President Vladimir Putin. According to the Kremlin, the unannounced talks were focused on 'the escalated situation in the Middle East and around the Iranian nuclear programme'. Much speculation now abounds on the probable message Mr Larijani took to Mr Putin and how this might affect Iran's posture vis-a-vis Russia. The choice of Mr Larijani for such a sensitive trip is noteworthy since he doesn't hold an official position in government, although Iran's foreign ministry said he was in Moscow on behalf of President Masoud Pezeshkian – and that the ministry helped organise the trip. As an appointee of Mr Khamenei and a stalwart in the establishment, Mr Larijani carries enough diplomatic and political heft to have warranted a meeting with the Russian leadership. He has been in similar situations before, having visited China as the sitting speaker in 2019, in the company of then-foreign minister Mohammad Javad Zarif. Even after leaving office, he continued to help steer Tehran's relations with Beijing. However, his Moscow trip signals something more than a diplomatic process. It appears to mark a political comeback for Mr Larijani, who is playing an increasingly prominent role in Iranian politics these days. With his country in flux, and as the question of 'after Mr Khamenei, who?' becomes ever more pertinent, the former speaker could be harbouring lofty ambitions. Although the Islamic Republic was founded by an anti-monarchical revolution, it has a political aristocracy of its own – and this includes the Larijani family. Son of a prominent cleric, Mr Larijani has held several influential positions in government. Before he became speaker in 2008, he was a national security adviser and before that the head of the state broadcaster. He and his four brothers – all accomplished in their own ways – are part of a powerful conservative family with marital ties to other key families within the political class. Mr Lairjani's father-in-law is the late Morteza Motahhari, a well-known cleric and a key figure in the 1979 revolution. Despite having powerful links, the Larijani family was on the sidelines for many years. Mr Larijani always had impeccable conservative credentials. He was the bete noire of the reformist movement during his tenure at the state broadcaster, primarily over the state TV's constant negative coverage of then-president Mohmmad Khatami, who was a reformist. Yet not long after, the Larijanis found themselves in choppy political waters. Mr Khatami's successor, the hardline Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, came down heavily on the family, accusing its members of corruption, thereby making a significant dent in their image. Mr Larijani thereafter allied himself to the centrist president Hassan Rouhani, attracting even greater ire from hardliners and getting disqualified from running for the presidency on two occasions. His brother Sadeq, a former head of the judiciary, lost re-election to the influential Assembly of Experts last year. But as the pendulum of power once again swings inside the Islamic Republic, hardliners find themselves on the back foot as Mr Larijani and his brothers gradually return to the limelight. When Israeli missiles were raining down on Lebanon last November, Mr Larijani visited Beirut to meet then-prime minister Najib Mikati and Speaker of the Parliament Nabih Berri. The trip received plenty of attention and since then, his profile has continued to grow. He frequently posts on social media, and he gets more air time on TV. In May, he made a well-publicised visit to the Tehran Book Fair. When foreign dignitaries visit Iran, they often make it a point to meet him. During last month's 12-day war, Mr Larijani decried Israel's attacks while urging forbearance on the part of the Iranian government. In doing so, he projected an image of someone with a steady hand and plenty of experience, wisdom and foresight – qualities that are in short supply within the establishment right now. The former speaker hasn't hidden his political ambitions. As mentioned earlier, he sought to run for president twice. Having backed several centrist candidates in last year's parliamentary election, he has positioned himself as a pragmatist. His resume includes not only many years in government but also extensive military experience, having served in key positions within the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps. He is statesman-like and has a sense of humour, which would make him personable to many voters. The question then is whether he will receive the green light to run for high office one day. Recent developments suggest this might already be in the works.