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IEDC needs to get out of the real estate development business

IEDC needs to get out of the real estate development business

Media reports identified significant accounting problems at the Indiana Economic Development Corp. In response, Gov. Mike Braun has ordered an independent accounting audit. Every Hoosier should applaud that order, but the problems with the IEDC are broader than an accounting issue.
Indiana is at a point where fundamental questions about economic development policy and the role of the IEDC need a full-throated public debate. It is best to begin with what the IEDC and the state's development policies get right.
The IEDC was a model of efficiency
Among former Gov. Mitch Daniels' very first public acts was to reorganize the state's Department of Commerce. He moved the business development group to a new quasi-public corporation, the IEDC, and moved other responsibilities in community development, tourism, energy development and agriculture into their own agencies.
This reorganization worked very well and sparked a great deal of innovation, particularly in rural policy. At the IEDC, the reorganization attracted talented staff and leadership who embodied the Daniels ethic: lean, effective, efficient and humble.
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When I arrived in Indiana in summer 2007, I was shocked at the quality of IEDC and its small size. It was then about 65 people. Ohio, Illinois and Michigan had well over 500 people working in unwieldy organizations trying to perform many of the same tasks.
In 2013 I co-authored an efficiency study of the IEDC comparing it to other groups across the country. It fared extraordinarily well by comparison. So, too, did its venture capital arm, which we also studied.
The key thing about the IEDC was the conceptual simplicity of its mission. It acted as a supporter of Indiana, providing services to businesses looking for a home. It mapped sites around the state, oversaw a modest tax incentive program and provided a fast, efficient processing of well over 1,000 requests by businesses each year.
The Pence administration viewed the IEDC quite similarly, appointing seasoned businessmen to lead it. There was a modest expansion of duties to oversee the Regional Cities Initiative, which ended up being one of the most successful place-based economic development policies of the 21st century.
LEAP District was a monumental error
All that changed during the Holcomb administration, though the legislature and new leadership played a big role in this change. Instead of acting as a business concierge, the IEDC morphed into a real estate development company, pushing the state's economic development polices back into the 1970s.
This badly distorted the IEDC's mission, including pushing for incentives to relocate corporate headquarters within the state. The most obvious, but certainly not the only problem, was the LEAP district in Lebanon.
Over the coming years, much will be written about the folly of this project. Hoosiers will be lucky if we taxpayers lose only a few hundred million dollars in the endeavor. What we do know is that no private developer would have done such a deal without performing better due diligence. The IEDC needs to get out of the real estate development business.
We should offer Braun considerable grace in dealing with this monumental error foisted upon his administration. But it's also time to wholly reconsider our policies toward making the Hoosier economy grow.
The first thing we should do is acknowledge that the IEDC isn't going to make Indiana a prosperous place. That cannot be its job. It should tell the story of Indiana, warn legislators when there are problems, answer every question a potential business has about the state and do almost nothing else.
Leave economic growth to the private sector
We also need to understand that economic growth is a private sector matter and the government exists only to create conditions for growth. Allocating tax dollars to land development won't cause economic growth.
We also need to acknowledge that mobile American families and businesses aren't looking for low-tax environments. They aren't the mono-dimensional idiots that the anti-tax crowd supposes them to be.
American families and businesses are savvy and look for places where the quality of public services is a good match to their taxes. They are looking for value, not just price.
In the modern economy, jobs follow people. People don't follow jobs. That's been increasingly true for a half-century. Today, only a tiny fraction of new jobs are created in the types of businesses that could be lured through tax incentives, the traditional tool of economic developers.
If business tax incentives worked, Indiana would have among the strongest economies in the nation. When Daniels took office, Hoosier manufacturing firms ranked 36th from the bottom in low tax rates. Today, they rank 4th-lowest and factory employment is down by 10%.
I know of no researcher who studies tax incentives and thinks they boost job creation in any meaningful way. Trust me, an economics professor could get rich by finding defensible estimates of tax incentives boosting a region's economy.
It's time to reconsider how Indiana approaches economic development. But the biggest reason to have a statewide debate on economic development policy is the passage of Senate Enrolled Act 1 and its unintended effect on the state's single-largest business incentive.
Indiana's new tax reforms in SEA 1 render our most common form of tax incentives — local property tax abatements and tax-increment financing — unusable and obsolete.
Since the Daniels reforms, local governments have been able to grant a tax abatement (no tax payments) to businesses for up to 10 years and TIF districts for 25 years. Most local governments, desperate for new businesses and their tax revenues, offered lavish abatements or created TIF districts.
In doing so, they essentially deferred all taxes for a decade, knowing that after that time, they'd be able to tax that investment at 30% of its value. For dozens of cities and counties with large factories and logistics firms, this remains a major source of tax revenues.
SEA 1 ended that. No rational mayor or county commission will again offer tax abatements or TIF. It'd be spectacularly moronic to have a business come to a town, use public services and never pay a cent in taxes.
Over the past half-century, the economy changed, making high-quality public services that attract new residents the ticket to economic growth. Then, during the Holcomb administration, Indiana ditched its small government economic development policy for an embarrassing and costly real estate speculation plan. And, finally, in a hastily developed tax plan, the legislature effectively ended the state's largest and most widely used economic development tools.
All of these facts force Indiana to re-examine how it approaches economic development policy.
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US Electronic Components Still Turning Up in Russian Fighter Jets: Report
US Electronic Components Still Turning Up in Russian Fighter Jets: Report

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US Electronic Components Still Turning Up in Russian Fighter Jets: Report

Based on facts, either observed and verified firsthand by the reporter, or reported and verified from knowledgeable sources. Newsweek AI is in beta. Translations may contain inaccuracies—please refer to the original content. Electronic components manufactured by U.S. companies are still turning up in Russian fighter jets via intermediary trade routes that experts say evade sanctions, a report has found. According to the report, components used to make Russian weaponry and used in attacks against Ukraine originate from American companies, despite efforts by lawmakers to close this loophole. The report was compiled by the International Partnership for Human Rights (IPHR), the Independent Anti-Corruption Commission (NAKO) and media outlet Hunterbrook and shared exclusively with Newsweek. There is no suggestion of wrongdoing on the part of the companies that manufacture parts that end up in Russian fighter jets. A Sukhoi Su-35 fighter jet of the Russian Aerospace Forces is pictured in the course of Russia's war with Ukraine, at an unknown location in 2022. A Sukhoi Su-35 fighter jet of the Russian Aerospace Forces is pictured in the course of Russia's war with Ukraine, at an unknown location in 2022. Newsweek contacted all companies mentioned in this article as well as the Department of Commerce's Bureau of Industry and Security for comment. After Russia invaded Ukraine on February 24, 2022, the U.S. and other Western countries imposed a range of economic and trade sanctions to squeeze Moscow's economy. Companies around the world also left the country to voice their moral opposition to the invasion and to exert economic pressure on Russian President Vladimir Putin's regime. But curtailing the flow of goods in an age of globalization has proved tricky, and Moscow has since managed to bolster its war chest by acquiring Western microchips, semiconductors and other materials that can be used to manufacture weapons via third-party countries to evade U.S. sanctions and export controls. Russia imported $20.3 billion in components associated with military equipment from March 2022 to December 2022, according to an analysis by the KSE Institute—a think tank at the Kyiv School of Economics—obtained by Newsweek. More than 60 percent of the components came from U.S. companies, the report found. A 15-month probe by the U.S. Senate's Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations, led by Connecticut Democratic Senator Richard Blumenthal, found that 40 percent of 2,500 components analyzed in Russian weapons found on the Ukrainian battlefield were made by four U.S. companies: Analog Devices (ADI), Texas Instruments, Advanced Micro Devices (AMD) and Intel. The investigation, which wrapped up in December 2024, criticized these companies and the Department of Commerce, which administers export restrictions, for a lack of enforcement action. The new report analyzed 10 Russian attacks from May 2023 to May 2024 that used SU-34 and SU-35 jets. This included one attack on May 25, 2024, in a Kharkiv hypermarket that killed 19 civilians including six women and two children and injured 54 civilians, and another in October 2023 that killed a 63-year-old man and damaged 14 buildings in Kherson Oblast. In total, the attacks analyzed led to 26 civilian deaths and 109 injuries. In the SU-34 jets, NAKO found 227 components from 59 companies including Analog Device, Murata, Texas Instruments and Intel. Of these, 68 percent (154) came from the U.S. In the SU-35 jets, NAKO found 891 components from 138 companies, with 62.3 percent (555) coming from the U.S. The companies included Analog Devices, Texas Instruments, Murata, OnSemi, Intel and Vicor. To verify the information, NAKO analyzed remnants of downed jets and found the components used in markets. They also used confidential sources. "This is shameful," said Michael McFaul, who served as U.S. ambassador to Russia from 2012 to 2014. "American companies cannot be helping Russian companies build weapons that kill innocent Ukrainians," he told Newsweek, urging the Trump administration to impose sanctions to reduce the transfer of these technologies. Anastasiya Donets, head of the Ukraine Legal Team at IPHR, said in a statement: "Western governments and tech manufacturers must confront the reality: current sanctions and export controls have failed to contain Russia's aggression. Governments must implement harsher sanctions against Russia, and manufacturers must introduce higher due diligence and supply chain control standards to prevent their products' diversion into Russia's weapons. Otherwise, declarations of continued support for Ukraine and condemnation of Russia's atrocities will remain just that, declarations. Falling short of timely and adequate action, they will only encourage protracted violence and atrocities worldwide. Moral imperative considerations aside, stopping Russia's war machine is cheaper than deploying boots on the ground next time Russia invades a neighbouring country. Overwhelming Western intelligence shows it will happen within 5 to 10 years. The time to act is now." Mark Temnycky, nonresident fellow at the Atlantic Council think tank's Eurasia Center, told Newsweek that trading with third-party actors had cleared a path for Russia. "The European Union, the United Kingdom, the United States, and other Western actors maintain normal trade relations with most neutral countries across the globe," he said. 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In 2024, the U.S. Department of Commerce's Bureau of Industry and Security published a list of 50 items including electrical parts that Russia uses to make weapons to warn industry leaders. The presence of U.S. components in Russian weaponry is not the only way the U.S. has inadvertently supported Putin's war effort. In January, Newsweek revealed that American firms in Russia paid the country $1.2 billion in profit taxes in 2023. Russia's fossil fuel exports also generated $253.8 billion in revenue in the third year of its war in Ukraine, with some income flowing indirectly from Western countries. The U.S. also imported $192 million in oil products from a refinery owned in part by a Russian company sanctioned by the U.S. Amid this technological backdrop, the war prevails. U.S. President Donald Trump—who before assuming office claimed he could halt the war quickly—and Putin spoke on the phone Thursday as efforts to end the war continue. But Trump said he was "very disappointed" by the Putin call and that he did not think the Russian leader wanted to end the war. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky and Trump are due to speak on Friday. The Pentagon has also announced that it is temporarily halting shipments of certain weapons to Ukraine, while Russia has intensified its military offensive, making significant territorial gains. The war is the largest and deadliest in Europe since World War II.

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