Do we need information commissions?
The conclusions of the above study regarding the performance of the Information Commissions can be summed up as follows.
The Commissions: a) frequently caused long delays in appeals, often extending beyond two months; b) showed tendencies to favour public bodies, either as a gesture of appeasement or perhaps under political influence; c) were extremely reluctant to penalise public bodies; d) often delayed cases due to their own bureaucratic working processes; e) failed to learn from the best practices and technologies used by Information Commissions in other developing countries; and f) often became just another roadblock of endless paperwork, without delivering meaningful results.
The overarching tendency to be politically correct has restrained a serious discussion on the performance of the Information Commissions. What started as a breath of fresh air has now devolved into a mere ceremonial facade for maintaining the status quo. The Information Commissions continue to operate modern knowledge-based organisations by the 18th century clerical methods. Scores of appeals are returned because an applicant did not make a statement to the effect that there was no litigation against the public body or that a copy of the CNIC was not sent. Such needless and outdated bureaucratic requirements lead to delays, squander time and drain public funds. There are scores of cases which were unilaterally closed by the Information Commissions, even when NO information was provided to the applicant. Perhaps their inability to influence the public bodies to proactively display information has been one of their biggest failures.
Pakistan ought to seriously revisit the entire RTI process. Should the existing Information Commissions be retained or replaced by more effective alternate mechanisms? There is enough data to suggest that they are poorly functioning, toothless and only add delays without consequences for non-compliance. They have thus been reduced to become symbolic (and costly) institutions to protect bureaucratic inertia. However, rather than abolish the Information Commissions, it may be best to first try the following package of reforms.
Begin by digitising the entire process of information provision, from the receipt of a complaint till the provision of information. Make the entire process of all appeals transparent and accessible to the public on each Information Commission's website. There should be no requirement of a retired judge or a retired bureaucrat to be on the panel of Commissioners. These posts must be advertised and filled by tech-savvy executives with experience of working in modern digital organisations.
Establish self-executing deadlines that automatically initiate, without any human interaction, notices, warnings and penalties when public bodies delay or refuse to comply. Likewise set automatic penalties for delay by Information Commissions if they fail to ensure provision of information within 60 days. Require each public body to proactively disclose on its website a defined minimum list of information. The Information Commissions should be made free of all papers, files and clerical staff. The Commissioners must themselves input all data and responses on their laptops, which are simultaneously and publicly accessible to all. The current wasteful practice of Information Commissions printing hundreds of copies of glossy annual reports and distributing them to VIPs (who would never bother to read them) should be stopped. Instead, a built-in programme should assemble the necessary data and compile a one-page summary of performance that is displayed on the website of each information Commission.
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Express Tribune
4 days ago
- Express Tribune
Do we need information commissions?
Over the last two decades, I have frequently used the Right to Information (RTI) law and interacted with the RTI commissions in Pakistan. This article is based on a collective study of over 200 RTI requests and their subsequent appeals made to RTI commissions by citizens seeking legitimate information from public bodies. The aim was to understand the extent to which the Information Commissions uphold the citizens' right to information and their ability to ensure compliance when the public bodies fail to provide the requested information. The conclusions of the above study regarding the performance of the Information Commissions can be summed up as follows. The Commissions: a) frequently caused long delays in appeals, often extending beyond two months; b) showed tendencies to favour public bodies, either as a gesture of appeasement or perhaps under political influence; c) were extremely reluctant to penalise public bodies; d) often delayed cases due to their own bureaucratic working processes; e) failed to learn from the best practices and technologies used by Information Commissions in other developing countries; and f) often became just another roadblock of endless paperwork, without delivering meaningful results. The overarching tendency to be politically correct has restrained a serious discussion on the performance of the Information Commissions. What started as a breath of fresh air has now devolved into a mere ceremonial facade for maintaining the status quo. The Information Commissions continue to operate modern knowledge-based organisations by the 18th century clerical methods. Scores of appeals are returned because an applicant did not make a statement to the effect that there was no litigation against the public body or that a copy of the CNIC was not sent. Such needless and outdated bureaucratic requirements lead to delays, squander time and drain public funds. There are scores of cases which were unilaterally closed by the Information Commissions, even when NO information was provided to the applicant. Perhaps their inability to influence the public bodies to proactively display information has been one of their biggest failures. Pakistan ought to seriously revisit the entire RTI process. Should the existing Information Commissions be retained or replaced by more effective alternate mechanisms? There is enough data to suggest that they are poorly functioning, toothless and only add delays without consequences for non-compliance. They have thus been reduced to become symbolic (and costly) institutions to protect bureaucratic inertia. However, rather than abolish the Information Commissions, it may be best to first try the following package of reforms. Begin by digitising the entire process of information provision, from the receipt of a complaint till the provision of information. Make the entire process of all appeals transparent and accessible to the public on each Information Commission's website. There should be no requirement of a retired judge or a retired bureaucrat to be on the panel of Commissioners. These posts must be advertised and filled by tech-savvy executives with experience of working in modern digital organisations. Establish self-executing deadlines that automatically initiate, without any human interaction, notices, warnings and penalties when public bodies delay or refuse to comply. Likewise set automatic penalties for delay by Information Commissions if they fail to ensure provision of information within 60 days. Require each public body to proactively disclose on its website a defined minimum list of information. The Information Commissions should be made free of all papers, files and clerical staff. The Commissioners must themselves input all data and responses on their laptops, which are simultaneously and publicly accessible to all. The current wasteful practice of Information Commissions printing hundreds of copies of glossy annual reports and distributing them to VIPs (who would never bother to read them) should be stopped. Instead, a built-in programme should assemble the necessary data and compile a one-page summary of performance that is displayed on the website of each information Commission.
Business Recorder
26-06-2025
- Business Recorder
Friction for cash, ease for digital: Pakistan's road to documenting the economy
Pakistan stands at a pivotal economic crossroads. With our national instant payment system RAAST processing 371 million transactions worth Rs8.4 trillion in first quarter of 2025 — a 164.5% increase in volume and a 146% surge in value from the previous year — it is enabling real-time digital payments, reducing cash dependency, and significantly improving transaction transparency. Yet, an estimated 37.5% of gross domestic product (GDP) remains in the shadow economy, representing a significant untapped opportunity. Digital payments are essential for a modern economy, enabling efficient government services and expanding financial inclusion. The challenge lies not in enforcement, but in making formal systems accessible and affordable. Global examples like Brazil and Kenya demonstrate the benefits of payment digitisation; in these countries, digital reforms not only improved convenience for citizens, but also redefined governance, expanded financial inclusion, and enhanced transparency. These outcomes aren't outside the realm of possibility for Pakistan either. With over 143 million broadband users the country has the potential to transform into a cashless economy. Mobile wallets now outnumber traditional bank accounts, and branchless banking infrastructure is robust, yet 90% of e-commerce is still cash-on-delivery. Even many government disbursements rely on paper-heavy, fraud-prone systems. Pakistanis clearly will adopt digital when it's easy, trusted, and backed by institutional will. But Pakistanis do adopt digital when given reliable and accessible solutions, and we've seen that firsthand. The country has one of the world's largest digital payments networks, with over 123 million branchless banking accounts and maintain a distribution reach 37 times greater than the traditional banking network. Pakistan govt's budget steps may hinder cashless economy drive: TOAP Its 704,000 agent touchpoints represent a parallel financial ecosystem that has enabled access to services in every corner of the country, especially the under-served areas. One recent example illustrates the impact of digital intervention. During the Prime Minister's Ramazan Relief Fund programme, JazzCash disbursed funds to over 1.1 million beneficiaries, of which more than 600,000 were via wallets. Not only were there zero leakages through this channel, but it also offered recipients, especially women in rural areas, more convenience, dignity, control, and visibility over their finances compared to the CNIC-based method where they often to wait in queues. We've also seen how policy direction paired with existing infrastructure can drive rapid adoption. After Frontier Works Organisation (FWO) mandated digital toll payments, JazzCash M-Tag volumes grew significantly in transaction count within a year. Pakistanis clearly will adopt digital when it's easy, trusted, and backed by institutional will. In a significant move underscoring this commitment, Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif has constituted a high-level steering committee, including key federal ministers, the State Bank Governor, FBR Chairman, and leaders from major banks and payment platforms, to accelerate the adoption of digital payments and realise a cashless Pakistan. Meeting weekly, the committee is responsible for coordinated, institutionalised reforms to formalise the economy, reduce reliance on cash, and ensure greater convenience for citizens, launching a series of ambitious initiatives to expand and incentivise digital payments across the country. We need to capitalise on this unprecedented high-level push and move Pakistan decisively toward a cashless economy through a coordinated strategy anchored in five critical interventions. First, digital payments acceptance must be mandated nationwide. This requires strict district-level enforcement to ensure all merchants accept digital payments, alongside enhanced RAAST merchant account limits to support widespread adoption and usage. Second, digital payments should be incentivised through targeted fiscal measures. Reducing the sales tax to 5% on all digital payments, providing Federal Excise Duty exemptions on merchant discount rates, and granting a three-year tax audit break for businesses embracing digital acceptance would make digital transactions more attractive. Additionally, exempting duties on payment acceptance devices for two years would lower the cost of entry for merchants. Third, the government must accelerate the digitalisation of its own payments. Mandating RAAST QR codes for all citizen-to-government (C2G) payments, transitioning the Benazir Income Support Programme fully to digital wallets, and adopting digital wallets for all government disbursements—including social welfare, Zakat, and pensions—will ensure that public funds are delivered efficiently, transparently, and securely. Fourth, cash payments should be made more expensive to discourage their use. This can be achieved by introducing a surcharge on over-the-counter government cash payments, capped at Rs100, and by limiting cash-on-delivery transactions to Rs10,000. Furthermore, mandating digital payment acceptance across all logistics companies will help reduce the dominance of cash in e-commerce and related sectors. The question is not whether we can become a cashless society, but whether we possess the collective will to seize this opportunity decisively. Finally, robust data monitoring and public awareness must underpin these efforts. Live dashboards at the Prime Minister's Office should track progress in real time, while financial institutions must be assigned specific, time-bound targets. A national awareness campaign is also crucial to educate the public and drive widespread adoption of digital payments. Above all, the objective is to create friction for cash and ease for digital. The rapid adoption of M-Tags after toll digitisation demonstrates that when digital payments are more convenient and cost-effective, Pakistanis will make the switch. Implementing these measures decisively can unlock the country's digital potential and bring the informal economy into the formal fold. This digital transformation will come at a price, but the cost of inaction is far greater, which we are already bearing. Due to the sheer size of our informal economy, Pakistan's tax-to-GDP ratio hovers around 10%. Formalising the economy through digital means is our best shot at raising that without imposing new taxes. Examples from other markets demonstrate that the government-backed digital payment initiatives have a huge multiplier effect. When citizens receive government benefits digitally, they become active participants in the digital economy, driving merchant acceptance and creating network effects benefiting the entire ecosystem. The transition to a cashless society represents more than a technological upgrade, it constitutes an economic imperative determining Pakistan's global marketplace competitiveness. In Pakistan too, we have seen firsthand how branchless banking and fintech players have enabled digital transformation in the remotest areas by ensuring smooth access to the most basic financial services. The technology exists, the distribution infrastructure is developing rapidly, and the public has demonstrated high readiness for adoption when solutions are convenient and reliable. The question is not whether we can become a cashless society, but whether we possess the collective will to seize this opportunity decisively. While we welcome recent measures in the federal budget aimed at promoting formalisation and enforcement, policymakers must remain vigilant about persistent leakages through cash transactions. A gradual, well-calibrated approach is essential to ensure that digital payments do not inadvertently become more expensive than cash, which would undermine adoption. Digital transactions offer transparency, while cash enables concealment of income—policy should therefore focus on penalising cash usage and incentivising digital payments. Otherwise, the risk is that suboptimal measures will drive transactions back into the cash economy, contradicting the government's vision for a digital Pakistan. The writer is CEO of Jazz; Chairman of Mobilink Microfinance Bank; and member of the Prime Minister's Cashless Economy Committee.
Business Recorder
16-06-2025
- Business Recorder
Industrial, mine workers: CM announces free higher education for children
LAHORE: Punjab Chief Minister Maryam Nawaz Sharif has launched a landmark initiative offering free higher education to the children of industrial and mine workers at COMSATS University. Under the program, the Punjab government will bear all educational expenses, marking a historic step towards uplifting the working class through education. The CM talking about the initiative said, 'Children of workers will be admitted to seven campuses of COMSATS University, and the Punjab government will pay their fees.' She added that workers are the crown of the nation, and her government is determined to provide them with every essential facility, especially in the fields of education and healthcare. 'The doors of higher education are now open for every worker's child in Punjab. No child will be deprived of education due to financial hardship,' she affirmed, adding that these measures reflect a commitment to social justice that has no precedent in the province's history. CM Maryam Nawaz added that children of registered workers, including those of deceased and disabled workers, would be eligible for this opportunity across all major campuses of COMSATS University, Islamabad, Lahore, Abbottabad, Wah, Attock, Sahiwal, and Vehari. She noted that the initiative is a testament to her government's inclusive vision and dedication to improving the lives of labourers through meaningful, long-term support. Relevant authorities briefed the Chief Minister that the Worker Welfare Fund has opened the application process and that deadlines vary by campus, ranging from early July to mid-August. Applicants are required to apply online through the university's official website and must also submit relevant documents at the admission office. These include copies of the worker's CNIC, registered worker certificate, the student's CNIC or B-Form, and proof of social security or old age benefit enrollment.
