Local legislators back tribe's declaration of emergency
Mitchell residents against Davison County prison site
Democratic Rep. Eric Emery and Republican Rep. Rebecca Reimer signed the letter sent June 2 to RST President Kathleen Wooden Knife.
Letter-to-Pres.-Wooden-Knife-for-State-of-Emergency-1Download
President Wooden Knife's May 27 proclamation follows previous emergency declarations in August 2019 and August 2024.
The current proclamation is featured on the Rosebud Sioux Tribe government website and cites 'pervasive law and order and public health issues related to the epidemic of meth and illicit drug use, drug trafficking, and gun related violence and other violent and unlawful activity creating severe and extreme threats to public safety, the health and welfare of the general public.'
In her proclamation, President Wooden Knife calls on the U.S. government, the U.S. Department of Justice, the U.S. Department of the Interior and the federal Bureau of Indian Affairs 'to honor their legal, statutory, trust and treaty obligations to provide sufficient resources for competent law enforcement patrol, reporting and investigations (of) criminal activity.'
The letter from Emery and Reimer thanks Wooden Knife and says they are honored to stand beside her effort. Emery, a member of the Rosebud Sioux Tribe, represents the southern portion of the legislative district that includes the Rosebud Indian Reservation, while Reimer represents the district's northern part.
'We commend your decisive leadership in addressing this crisis and your administration'swillingness to take action in a time of immense difficulty. It takes courage to confront suchchallenges head-on, and your focus on protecting your people is both necessary anddeeply respected,' their letter states.
'As representatives of our communities, made up of families, elders, first responders,educators, and caregivers, we understand that this crisis reaches far beyond public safety.It impacts the well-being of the people in every way and calls for a unified, sustainedresponse rooted in compassion, cultural respect, and community-focused action,' the letter continues.
U.S. Sen. Mike Rounds, a former governor of South Dakota, has been pushing the federal government for a second tribal law enforcement training center to be placed somewhere in the Great Plains region.
Then-Gov. Kristi Noem, a Republican, provided funding last year for some tribal law officers to receive training through a state course conducted under the state Office of Attorney General. She later held a summit on tribal law enforcement and urged then-U.S. Attorney General Merrick Garland, a Democrat, to take action on tribal public safety.
Noem had been temporarily banned from all nine reservations in South Dakota after a speech to the Legislature last year in which she said drug cartels were using reservations as protection and for other remarks that tribal leaders said were offensive. Noem in turn called for law enforcement agreements between tribal and state governments.
The Oglala Sioux Tribe, which neighbors the Rosebud reservation, has twice sued the federal government over inadequate law enforcement on the Pine Ridge Indian Reservation.
Rounds also recently called for creation of a federal commission on violent crimes committed on tribal reservations.
Republican U.S. Rep. Dusty Johnson, who holds South Dakota's lone U.S. House seat, in March urged that 'waste, fraud, and abuse of funds for Indian country' be examined by the federal government.
Copyright 2025 Nexstar Media, Inc. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.
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Time Magazine
3 minutes ago
- Time Magazine
The Socialist Mayor Who Came 100 Years Before Zohran Mamdani
A young charismatic socialist politician runs for mayor in New York on a platform of lowering costs and improving quality of life for its lower classes. He challenges the corruption of the incumbent administration, eschews the mainstream media, and mobilizes voters alienated by both the Republican and Democratic establishment. He promises affordable transit and city-run groceries, scoring a shocking victory and becoming a national icon. That might sound like what has played out in New York City over the last month, as Zohran Mamdani has become a political sensation since winning the Democratic mayoral primary. But it's actually the story of what happened in Schenectady in 1911, when voters elected George Lunn mayor, a post he'd go on to hold for four terms. Over a century divides these two political stories. Yet, the history of Lunn's career offers pointers for how Democratic Socialist Mamdani can harness his political skills and newfound celebrity to make sustainable change, overcome attacks from the political opposition, and have a long, successful career. In 1911, Schenectady was one of the fastest growing cities in the U.S.; from 1900 to 1910, its population had increased nearly 130%, from 31,682 to 72,826. Like so many cities across the northeast and Midwest, this boom stemmed from rapid industrialization, most especially the growth of General Electric. G.E.'s hunger for labor, along with the needs of the American Locomotive Company, the city's other main employer, drew thousands to Schenectady, most notably and visibly working-class immigrants from Italy and Poland. Schenectady was a bustling, vibrant small city, but it was also bursting at the seams—the city's growth had outpaced its housing stock, its school system, its streets and sewers, and its 19th century administrative structure. The city's working-class residents found it difficult to afford transportation on streetcars and lived in crowded and unhealthy neighborhoods with no access to parks or playgrounds. Amid the rapid growth, politically connected businessmen couldn't resist the temptation to line the pockets of local politicians to ensure that they would profit from public contracts for building roads and schools. Read More: Zohran Mamdani's Upset Is a Seismic Moment for the Left Enter Lunn, a young Protestant minister who grew up in Iowa and Nebraska where he was imbued with a sympathy for the common people from the populist teachings of William Jennings Bryan. Lunn traveled east to do graduate work in economics and theology and was called to the elite First Reformed Church in Schenectady in 1904. The dynamic and popular preacher discomfited many in his parish with his increasingly pointed critiques of inequities and corruption in the city. In 1909, he resigned, and started his own working-class congregation and weekly newspaper—and increasingly found an affinity with the city's small but vocal Socialist Party. Socialism was on the march, it seemed. Hundreds of party members had been elected to city and state offices across the country, and a Socialist administration had just started running Milwaukee. While a critique of the capitalist system infused their messaging, these Socialists also aimed to provide public services and reduce the cost of living for working-class urban Americans. Their success inspired Lunn. In 1911, he declared himself the Socialist candidate for Mayor, with an ambitious platform. Lunn promised to provide low-cost necessities—groceries, coal, and ice for the pre-electric era iceboxes—by starting city-run businesses to compete with private merchants who exploited their poor customers. Additionally, he pledged to run an efficient, professional, and honest government in contrast to the corruption rife in both the Democratic and Republican parties in Schenectady City and County. In a four-way race (Democratic, Republican, Progressive, and Socialist), Lunn prevailed, bringing with him a Socialist majority on the City Council. One of his working-class supporters told a reporter, 'People got mighty sick of voting for Republicans and Democrats when it was a heads I win, tails you lose proposition.' This voter remarked that people wondered why the gap 'between the pay envelope and the grocer's and butcher's bills' was getting so tight. Lunn's message was attractive because he 'had a way of kind of harnessing words to ideas that had been running around loose in a lot of folks' minds.' Lunn, in his campaign, promised to 'go on, step by step… and demonstrate that we are fit to rule.' And so he did. The most 'socialist' parts of the new mayor's agenda never came to full fruition; local businesses challenged the city-run ice and grocery stores he launched and courts found them to be illegal. The city-run ice store shut down, while the grocery store became a co-op and then collapsed. Yet, undaunted, Lunn's 'sewer socialism' succeeded in other ways. After a court fight, the city-run coal dealership he created was reorganized as a quasi-private enterprise. It sold coal below the cost charged by local dealers and, in doing so, may have forced them to lower their prices. Among Lunn's other achievements, the city built a more robust public health system that led to a decrease in infant mortality, expanded the school system and provided free textbooks for students, created a Municipal Employment Bureau to undercut the exploitation of recent immigrants by private employment agents, and constructed a network of city parks that persists to this day. Lunn also rid the city of the 850 privies still fouling its soil and the Mohawk River by completing a long-stalled sewer system. Residents who opposed the extension had obtained an injunction to prevent the city from cutting down a tree in the way of excavation. Lunn went out with an axe, cut it down himself, paid a fine, and the pipe went in. Despite his socialist ideology, Lunn also won praise from business interests, including the management of G.E., for his emphasis on administrative efficiency. He reorganized city government, implemented a transparent bidding process for city contracts, and appointed a number of non-Socialists to important administrative posts. Even though economics were his focus, Lunn didn't shy away from the culture war issues of the day. He fervently supported women's suffrage, which at the time had had a losing track record in New York State. Read More: How Zohran Mamdani Plans to Fix New York City's Housing Crisis Despite his robust platform, however, Lunn's flavor of socialism disappointed his more radical colleagues, including a young Walter Lippmann. Before becoming one of the preeminent political commentators of the mid-20th century, Lippmann was a hair-on-fire Socialist, who came as a young Harvard grad to work as Lunn's personal secretary. He left after four months, disappointed with the decidedly non-radical flavor of the mayor's socialism: 'I have often thought of the slashing articles the Socialists in Schenectady would write about the present administration if they weren't responsible for the administration,' he griped. Lunn's moderation wasn't enough to placate Schenectady's more conservative political powers either. The other three parties formed a fusion ticket in 1913 to try to beat Lunn. They succeeded, in part because the mayor was distracted by affairs beyond Schenectady—most especially his arrest at a rally for strikers affiliated with the radical International Workers of the World union in nearby Little Falls. But the opposition couldn't wipe out Lunn's charisma or his accomplishments in improving the quality of life in the city through 'good' government. That enabled Lunn to return to the mayor's office again in 1915. But he was soon ejected from the local Socialist Party for refusing to allow the Party to dictate appointments to city jobs. Lunn then rebranded himself as a progressive Democrat. He went on to serve a term in Congress, two more terms as Mayor, a stint as Lieutenant Governor under Al Smith, and then, finally, 17 years as the head of New York State's Public Service Commission. He retired in 1942. What lessons can Mamdani learn from Lunn's successes and failures should he win the general election campaign in New York City? He's hoping to run a vastly larger and more complex political, economic, and social entity than the Schenectady that Lunn led. Even so, Lunn's career makes clear the importance of making a tangible difference in residents' lives. Lunn's brand of reform disrupted the corrupt and complacent, empowered talent without regard to political allegiance, and relentlessly focused on the common good of his constituents. His track record in Schenectady produced visible, tangible achievements, and even his failures, such as the city-run ice business, nonetheless signaled where Lunn's values lay in ways that resonated with working class voters. Like Lunn, Mamdani will undoubtedly come under attack from the opposition, but if he can harness his considerable charisma and communication skills to make people's lives better, he too can overcome them and leave a lasting mark. Andrew Morris is professor and chair of the Department of History at Union College in Schenectady, N.Y. Made by History takes readers beyond the headlines with articles written and edited by professional historians. Learn more about Made by History at TIME here. Opinions expressed do not necessarily reflect the views of TIME editors.
Indianapolis Star
4 minutes ago
- Indianapolis Star
Public media funding cuts create fair competition for local news in Indiana
Indiana, along with the federal government, has cut billions in funding from public media after long-standing accusations of liberal bias. Local NPR and PBS affiliates, which serve 2.5 million Indiana residents, many in rural areas, should view this as a favor. The average person no longer trusts the media, and associating with the federal government is a terrible way to address that, especially as of late. 'A central pillar of our mission as journalists is to hold power in check,' Stephen Crane, editor-in-chief of the Morgan County Correspondent told me. 'So, if they are simultaneously funding you, that raises a few eyebrows as far as journalistic ethics.' Eliminating subsidies to public media will create a more even playing field for local news outlets. Fair competition can drive them to creativity fill any information and content gaps that result. 87% of people who name NPR as their main source of news identify as Democrat or Democratic-leaning, which shows the national brand has catered more to an ideological audience, even if not intentionally, rather than directly addressing local needs anyways. Ending their subsidies won't eliminate PBS and NPR entirely, as only a small proportion of their budgets rely on the government, but it will make sure they don't have an unfair advantage over their competitors while offering a less-relevant product. Opinion: Public media has earned our trust — and government funding While for obvious reasons I'm partial to IndyStar, with its long history as a local outlet benefitting from the investment of its parent company Gannett, many newer publications have done an excellent job addressing local needs. The Morgan County Correspondent, the Indiana Capital Chronicle and Mirror Indy are three examples of hyper-focused media outlets that came into existence within the last five years to cover a local media market and did so effectively by seeking local funding sources rather than government subsidies. 'There's plenty of people with deep pockets that really understand the crisis we're confronting,' Crane told me. 'It is a crisis of democracy.' While it is harder for startups to break into more capital-intensive industries like broadcast media, many have found ways to reach people where they are through social media engagement, podcasts and other rising alternative forms of media. If the government wants to support the news industry, making newspaper subscriptions and advertisements tax-deductible is a much more ethical way to do so, as it would incentivize public engagement rather than arbitrarily picking winners and losers in the media market. 'The larger problem, particularly when it comes to newspapers … is we're dealing with an ill-informed and disengaged public,' Crane added. 'Everyone is growing more and more isolated for various reasons.' Opinion: Indiana's crackdown on small college programs will drive students away 41% of the U.S. doesn't trust national media, worsening that problem. By contrast, only 18% of the U.S. doesn't trust local media, perhaps because they are closer to their geographical community and feel more of an obligation to win their trust and provide some level of representation to the things they care about. 'We see the newspaper playing a vital role and sort of retightening the threads of the community fabric and really anchoring the identity of that community,' Crane told me. 'When you're talking about communities, you see them in the grocery store. These are real people. You can't quite get away with as much arm's-length existence. The larger scale you go, the harder it is to define community.' Indiana has already taken a few steps recently to make it easier to run a news publication, including by reducing the number of years a newspaper has to be in print to be eligible to publish public notices, increasing transparency around state agency spending and requiring local government meetings to be livestreamed. As traditional metrics of newspaper readership decline and artificial intelligence competes to become the primary distributor of public information, local media now desperately need more of a drive to innovate and win back the public trust. Eliminating government subsidies is a great first step to restore the competitive drive needed to innovate, but now the government needs to incentivize the public to re-engage by making newspaper subscription and advertisement costs tax-deductible.
Politico
5 minutes ago
- Politico
Three big questions about 2026
Presented by With help from Eli Okun, Bethany Irvine and Ali Bianco On today's Playbook Podcast, Adam Wren and Dasha Burns discuss three questions that could decide how 2026 plays out — and why they're coming into focus now. Good morning. It's Tuesday. This is Adam Wren. Drop me a line. In today's Playbook … — Are Republicans in better shape in 2026 than conventional wisdom would have you think? — Could Trump's polling floor 'finally crack'? — House GOP leadership looks for a pressure-release valve on the Jeffrey Epstein issue. DRIVING THE DAY THREE QUESTIONS: This morning, with no new enterprise journalism recently published on the 'Epstein files' front, President Donald Trump's allies are using the moment to regroup and catch their collective breath. House GOP leadership is doing much the same after scrapping several votes planned for this week as internal battles over how to handle the crisis have divided the Republican conference. And Democrats are viewing it all while riding what could be a sugar high. Widening the aperture a bit from the Epstein drama, we're struck right now by three big questions with huge implications for 2026. QUESTION 1: Are Republicans actually in better shape than conventional wisdom would suggest as the midterms ramp up? The money angle: We learned this week that the Republican National Committee is sitting on vastly more cash than its Democratic counterpart. The RNC has nearly $81 million in cash on hand. The DNC? Just $15 million. And while the Q2 sums raised by the NRCC and DCCC are roughly similar, there too, Republicans have the financial edge: $32 million to $29 million. Democrats attribute that fundraising disparity to Trump's brand strength — and the relative weakness of the Dems' own. 'You're seeing Democratic institutions like the DNC have some trouble raising grassroots money because these institutions are so tied to the national party brand …. which to state the obvious is not a popular brand right now,' one prominent Democratic strategist tells Playbook. Now, exploring who has the upper hand as the midterms inch closer is something of a Rorschach test, with people seeing what they want to. But Republicans like what they have seen in polling in response to the question 'cares more for needs of people like you,' where the parties are tied for the first time in three decades (though this was long before the passage of the One Big Beautiful Bill). And congressional Democrats, according to a Quinnipiac University poll released last week, have an approval rating of 19 percent. 'The trends are real,' an NRCC official tells Playbook. 'We feel really good about where the polling is. … We feel really confident about the momentum we have. The donor base is fired up.' QUESTION 2: Can Democrats stay focused on a message that moves voters? There is a certain allure animating Democrats' Epstein trolling, even as it forces them to momentarily set aside their better-bet polling issues — like, say, focusing on Medicaid or the cost of living. Of course, they can make a larger argument rolling the Epstein issue into what they characterize as Trump's 'billionaire protection racket' — and are doing just that. How Dems are spinning it: 'Republicans are literally shutting down the House floor and getting ready to go on vacation early just to weasel out of releasing the Epstein files,' DNC Chair Ken Martin said in a statement last night (more on the House situation in a bit). 'While the American people elected leaders to fight for law and order and do their damn jobs, Republicans are bending the knee to Donald Trump and protecting an infamous sex trafficker.' Added DCCC spokesperson Viet Shelton, in a statement to Playbook: 'The midterms are shaping up to be a referendum on who is going to lower costs and help improve the lives of everyday Americans, not the wealthy and well-connected.' But the Epstein issue's real salience isn't with voters who are up for grabs in the middle; it's in depressing the MAGA base. Redefining the floor: This morning, Carroll Doherty, the former director of political research at the Pew Research Center, has one of the more provocative pieces of analysis we've read recently: Could Trump's polling floor 'finally crack'? Trump's poll numbers are relatively steady, buoyed by his 80-plus percent support among Republican voters. But what if those voters' support of Trump dips? 'Because Trump's approval ratings move in such a narrow range, even small changes — positive or negative — over the next several months could have major consequences,' Doherty writes. Here's why that matters for 2026: 'Even at his current level of support, Trump's job rating almost certainly will act as a drag for Republican candidates for the House and Senate,' Doherty writes. Were that level of support to drop by a few percentage points, the contours of the midterms could be much, much worse for Republicans — and their attempts to pad the majority by, for instance, redrawing the maps in Texas could end up providing Democrats with major pickup opportunities in a wave election. Worth emphasizing: None of this is bound to happen or inevitable in any way. And on the road to 2026, Democrats have some major messaging potholes that can serve to either distract them or divide them. One thing that could distract Dems: Where's Hunter Biden? Doing exactly what Bidens seem to do these days: interrupting a negative news cycle for Trump. This time, he gave a three-hour video podcast interview to Channel 5 with Andrew Callaghan, and used it to rip into Democratic critics of former President Joe Biden — from George Clooney to Jon Favreau to David Axelrod to James Carville. (Team Trump watched with glee.) One thing that could divide Dems: Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer is 'quietly turning his caucus toward a critical decision on how to handle a fall funding showdown, after he and Senate Democrats faced blistering criticism from the party's base earlier this year,' POLITICO's Jordain Carney writes this morning. Today, as the chamber is set to vote 'to tee up the first tranche of government funding bills, [Schumer] is holding discussions with his colleagues about what their strategy should be ahead of the Sept. 30 shutdown deadline.' What is that strategy? 'Democrats are mulling a range of proposals internally with Schumer about what conditions they can place on Republicans in exchange for voting to move ahead with shutdown-averting legislation,' Jordain writes. 'So far, Democrats have floated the idea of making Republicans agree to a deal on the budget process and specific policy concessions, or locking in a commitment from Senate Republicans that they will not support additional rescissions packages — potentially publicly or in writing.' But there has been 'no agreement among Democrats … about what formal demands they will make of Senate Republicans.' QUESTION 3: Can Trump stay focused? It's incredibly likely that issues like inflation and Medicaid will be more determinative in 2026 than the Epstein storyline. But we also wonder if Trump's own temptation to (a) fight back and (b) change the topic might end up backfiring by sucking up the oxygen that might otherwise go towards selling a positive message of Republicans' own — flooding the zone, so to say, against himself. First in Playbook — Trump's new legal drama: One such zone-flooding opportunity comes from his new $20 billion lawsuit against the Wall Street Journal and its ownership over its reporting on his past friendship with Epstein, as POLITICO's Ankush Khardori explores in a trenchant column this morning. Just one way it could backfire: If the case is not dismissed or settled, it 'would proceed to discovery, in which the Journal's lawyers would almost certainly get the chance to depose Trump both about the alleged letter and drawing as well as his broader relationship with Epstein — the latter of which would be relevant in assessing the credibility of Trump's denial of his authorship. The Journal would also presumably seek all of Trump's records or correspondence with Epstein — which again are relevant to the credibility of Trump's denial and any potential motive to mislead the public about the letter.' Here, Trump's temptation to fight back — at least in the way he's accustomed to — is somewhat at odds with the GOP's political interests. Republican members would almost certainly prefer to spend August recess back home selling the benefits of the One Big Beautiful Bill to voters rather than anything to do with Epstein. (In that way, we do wonder about the political wisdom of House Republicans postponing the Epstein vote until after the recess, which potentially changes the narrative from a controversy contained to the Trump administration to one that applies to Washington Republicans writ large.) One early test of Trump in a somewhat unguarded moment comes at 11:15 a.m., when he'll sit down in the Oval Office with Philippine President Ferdinand 'Bongbong' Marcos Jr. and reporters will inevitably try to get in a few questions. We'll be watching. CONGRESS RULES AND CONSEQUENCES: The House Rules Committee had yet another eventful evening last night as a bipartisan group of lawmakers tried to force a floor vote to compel the publication of materials related to Epstein — ultimately bringing committee business to a halt, POLITICO's crack Congress team reports. How it went down: The situation was expected to mirror last Thursday's committee slog, but rather that 'work through the Democratic disruption, Republicans chose instead … to recess the rest of the Rules meeting altogether, with House Majority Leader Steve Scalise (R-La.) saying it was 'unlikely' that the panel would reconvene this week at all. Later, lawmakers said there were no plans to return at all.' The work goes on: House Speaker Mike Johnson said last night that despite Rules being at a standstill, he is not canceling votes later this week — they'll just happen under suspension of the rules, as The Hill's Mychael Schnell reports. Now, 'Republican leaders are considering sending the House home as early as Wednesday, after a bipartisan clash over the so-called Epstein files broke the Rules Committee Monday night,' POLITICO's Meredith Lee Hill reports. Read the latest in POLITICO's Inside Congress newsletter The cause endures: Meanwhile, Rep. Thomas Massie (R-Ky.) remains steadfast in his effort to force a floor vote on his proposal with Ro Khanna (D-Calif.) via a discharge petition. An alternative being offered by GOP leadership as something of a pressure-release mechanism is 'non-binding, so it's kind of fake,' Massie said, as POLITICO's Meredith Lee Hill reports. 'The resolution I have with Khanna would be binding on the president.' Buying some time: Meanwhile, Johnson confirmed to reporters that the full House will not vote on an Epstein measure before August recess. 'My belief is we need the administration to have the space to do what it is doing, and if further congressional action is necessary or appropriate, then we'll look at that, but I don't think we're at that point right now, because we agree with the president,' Johnson said. (One guy who's not a fan of waiting: Theo Von.) We'll be watching tonight … for a readout after Trump hosts Republican members of Congress for a reception in the East Room at 7 p.m. WHITHER RECESS?: Senate Majority Leader John Thune told reporters he was sympathetic to Trump's calls to nix the planned August recess and proceed with nomination votes. 'We're thinking about it, he said. 'We want to get as many [nominations] through the pipeline as we can.' But that might be a hard sell with his members, as NBC News' Frank Thorp and Zoë Richards report. What they're saying: Sen. 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George Santos (R-N.Y.), Mike Ferguson (R-N.J.) and Curt Weldon (R-Pa.) … Soren Dayton … Elise Shutzer of PhRMA … Tarun Chhabra … Arshi Siddiqui of Bellwether Government Affairs … Nathan Naylor … Mike DiRienzo of the Silver Institute … AJ Jorgenson … former VA Secretary David Shulkin … Brandt Anderson … Warren Bass … Joy Lee … Emily Carpeaux … Leila Elmergawi … Ben Leubsdorf … Kay Bailey Hutchison … POLITICO's Alon Naor, Ella Feinstein, Linnea Carchedi and Rebecca Barnes … Don Van Natta Jr. … Craig Howie Did someone forward this email to you? Sign up here. Send Playbookers tips to playbook@ or text us on Signal here. Playbook couldn't happen without our editor Zack Stanton, deputy editor Garrett Ross and Playbook Podcast producer Callan Tansill-Suddath. Correction: Yesterday's Playbook misstated the number of judges on a panel deciding the future of Alina Habba's appointment. Did someone forward this email to you? Sign up here. Send Playbookers tips to playbook@ or text us on Signal here. Playbook couldn't happen without our editor Zack Stanton, deputy editor Garrett Ross and Playbook Podcast producer Callan Tansill-Suddath.
