China hit hard in Myanmar..., Karenni rebels shoot down 'made in China' fighter jet worth Rs 710000000 in..., Big blow for Beijing due to...
After shooting down the jet, the rebels showed its wreckage to the world. The remains of the fighter aircraft were found in a village in Myanmar's Bago region. Photos and videos of the wreckage were shared online by KNDF's Deputy Commander Mawi.
In the video, the rebel fighters can be heard celebrating and thanking the Karenni Army for making this possible in Kayah State. They see it as a big success in their fight against the junta.
Meanwhile, Myanmar's military has admitted that one of its jets went missing about 130 kilometers from the capital, but they claimed it may have been due to bad weather or a technical problem and not due to enemy fire.
This incident is a big blow to both the Myanmar junta and China, which has been supplying weapons to Myanmar and several of India's neighboring countries.
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
India.com
15 minutes ago
- India.com
Will the world see another war this year? This country deploys HIMARS and Patriot systems near..., not Israel, Ukraine, name is....
Taiwan's newly acquired HIMARS unit Taiwan conducts civil defence drills 'Urban Resilience' exercise: In a significant development, possibly indicating another global conflict this year, Taiwan (the Republic of China), a country which the People's Republic of China led by Xi Jinping has been reportedly planning to attack and occupy has deployed advanced US made weapons—including HIMARS rocket systems, Patriot missile batteries, and Stinger missiles—during its largest-ever Han Kuang military drills. Here are all the details you need to know about the recent development in Taiwan. Taiwan conducts civil defence drills 'Urban Resilience' exercise In a significant development from Taiwan, local media reports indicated that the third day of 'Urban Resilience' exercises- featuring air raid alerts, public evacuation manoeuvres, and disaster relief drills- to guard against Chinese threats to invade- will continue across Taiwan. Taiwan is reportedly conducting the exercise due to the impending risk of an attack from Xi Jinping's People's Republic of China. What civil defence drills is Taiwan conducting? The civil defence drills are part of Taiwan's broader annual 10-day Han Kuang military drills, which began on July 9–the island country's largest war games–aimed at increasing defence preparedness in the face of a hypothetical Chinese invasion amidst escalating tensions. The air raid alerts will last for 30 minutes, and once the alerts are lifted, local governments and civil defence groups will follow with relief station, emergency station or disaster relief drills. What do presence of Chinese warships indicate? The presence of Chinese warships off the coast of southwestern Japan has tripled in the last three years, including in waters between Taiwan and the neighboring Japanese island of Yonaguni, according to the Japanese Defence white paper. China views Taiwan as its own territory and has stepped up military and political pressure to assert those claims. Lai Ching-te, who completed a year in office has urged Beijing to restart dialogue with his government on equal terms. (With inputs from agencies)
News18
37 minutes ago
- News18
In A World Of Flux, India Chooses Pragmatism With China
In a world where Washington's unreliability as a security partner has been proven, India is prudently choosing to calm its most significant and immediate continental frontier. India's ties with China have not been in a good place since 2020, when soldiers from both countries clashed violently in Eastern Ladakh. Five years later, both countries appear inclined to turn a new page. This is evident from the fact that high-level bilateral engagement between both sides has attained renewed momentum since October 2024, when Prime Minister Narendra Modi met Chinese President Xi Jinping at the BRICS Summit in Russia's Kazan. Ever since, National Security Advisor Ajit Doval has travelled to China twice, while Defence Minister Rajnath Singh and Foreign Secretary Vikram Misri have also travelled there for meetings. This has been accompanied by regular engagements between Indian External Affairs Minister Dr S Jaishankar and his Chinese counterpart, Wang Yi. The obvious question is: why are both countries suddenly trying to resolve their differences and reset the relationship? The answer, in large part, lies beyond Beijing and New Delhi, in the turbulent waters of global geopolitics. Donald Trump's second run as President of the United States has brought back transactional foreign policy and global unpredictability. India is increasingly irritated by Donald Trump's repeated claims of having single-handedly averted a 'nuclear war" between India and Pakistan. His offhand remarks – including statements like 'I love Pakistan" – are seen in New Delhi as tone-deaf and diplomatically reckless. Such remarks have only reinforced the perception that Trump views the Indian subcontinent more as a stage for self-promotion than a region requiring nuanced diplomacy. Therefore, in a world where Washington's unreliability as a security partner has been proven, India is prudently choosing to calm its most significant and immediate continental frontier. New Delhi is signaling that it will not be a pawn in great power competition but will proactively shape its own environment on its own terms. In this light, Dr Jaishankar's visit to China was a projection of India's strategic autonomy. This is a principle New Delhi has championed as it navigates an increasingly multipolar world by engaging with multiple powers to secure its interests. Jaishankar's message was unambiguous: India is ready to move forward, but not by erasing the past. After all, the foundations for a stable relationship must be built on mutual respect. And for India, this means China adhering to some non-negotiable red lines. The first and most crucial red line is the sanctity of the border. Since the landmark Modi-Xi meeting in Kazan, both sides have agreed to disengage troops and restore patrolling rights in contested areas like Depsang and Demchok. During his talks in China, Jaishankar reiterated that peace and tranquillity on the border are the 'fundamental basis" for strategic trust and the normal development of ties. This position was echoed earlier by Raksha Mantri Rajnath Singh. India's view is that a resolution of the border dispute is a prerequisite for, not a byproduct of a normalised relationship. The second red line is terrorism. In his meeting with Foreign Minister Wang Yi, Jaishankar expressed hope that a policy of zero tolerance for terrorism will be strongly upheld. This was a thinly veiled but unmistakable reference to Pakistan-sponsored cross-border terrorism. The message to Beijing is that its 'all-weather friendship" with Islamabad cannot come at the expense of India's security. For the relationship to be truly stable, China must demonstrate that it is a responsible stakeholder in regional security and not an enabler of state-sponsored threats. After all, China's intelligence assistance to Pakistan during India's Operation Sindoor has been duly noted in New Delhi. Beyond these firm red lines, Jaishankar's visit also projected a pragmatic and compelling vision for economic cooperation. He directly addressed the issue of Beijing's recent export controls on critical materials like rare earth magnets. These restrictions have complicated procurement plans for India's automotive and clean energy players, who are heavily dependent on Chinese supplies. India has stood its ground against China since 2020, becoming the only country in the world to have exchanged physical blows with the PLA in the high Himalayas. How many other nations can claim to have stared down Beijing's military aggression and held their ground – both diplomatically and on the battlefield? The argument is simple and powerful: China is the world's second-largest economy. India will soon be the world's third-largest economy. Therefore, as neighbours, it is economically irrational for India and China to allow friction to derail mutual prosperity. Measures that disrupt supply chains hurt both producers and consumers, and in a global economy facing recessionary headwinds and trade wars, they are self-defeating. As Jaishankar articulated, normalising people-to-people exchanges and ensuring unimpeded economic cooperation can lead to mutually beneficial outcomes. The resumption of the Kailash Mansarovar Yatra after a five-year gap is one example of New Delhi and Beijing bridging the people-to-people gap to inject fresh trust in their bilateral relationship. Ultimately, India is presenting China with a profound strategic choice. Both nations profess a desire for a multipolar world order that is less dominated by a single power, ergo the United States. Chinese officials, from President Xi Jinping to Foreign Minister Wang Yi, frequently speak of an 'equal and orderly multipolar world" where the 'strong" do not bully the 'weak." Wang Yi has even spoken of India and China together realising the 'dance of dragons and elephants." But India is now calling on China to translate this rhetoric into reality. In the emerging global order, India and China can either be constructive rivals, managing their differences to cooperate on shared interests, or they can be destructive adversaries, locked in a zero-sum competition that destabilises Asia and undermines the very multipolarity they claim to seek. A relationship of perpetual conflict would drain their resources, complicate their rise and leave both vulnerable to the machinations of other powers. A stable relationship, on the other hand, allows both Asian giants to focus on their internal development and jointly shape the rules of the new world order in forums like BRICS and the SCO. Dr Jaishankar's visit to China was anything but routine. It was a deliberate move to assert India's non-negotiable red lines while spelling out its strategic calculus with cold clarity. This involves pushing back firmly against coercion, whether on the Himalayan frontier or through restrictive economic measures. It means building resilient, broad-based partnerships that enhance its strategic autonomy and ensuring it is never dependent on a single pole of power. Also, it means communicating in no uncertain terms that India will not be boxed in or have its options limited by others. This is not the reactive crouch of a middle power caught between giants. It is the confident posture of a rising power that fully intends to be a co-author of the 21st-century's rules, not merely a signatory to them. About the Author Sanbeer Singh Ranhotra Sanbeer Singh Ranhotra is a producer and video journalist at Network18. He is enthusiastic about and writes on both national affairs as well as geopolitics. tags : EAM S Jaishankar India-China diplomacy Straight Talk view comments Location : New Delhi, India, India First Published: July 15, 2025, 16:01 IST News opinion Straight Talk | In A World Of Flux, India Chooses Pragmatism With China Disclaimer: Comments reflect users' views, not News18's. Please keep discussions respectful and constructive. Abusive, defamatory, or illegal comments will be removed. News18 may disable any comment at its discretion. By posting, you agree to our Terms of Use and Privacy Policy.
News18
37 minutes ago
- News18
Trespassing Tradition: How ISKCON's Parallel Jagannath Yatra Risks Diluting India's Sacred Heritage
Last Updated: At stake is not simply a question of which date a ritual is performed, but who gets to define and control cultural and liturgical grammar of one of India's oldest living traditions Gajapati Maharaja Dibyasingha Deb, the hereditary head and ceremonial servitor of Hindu deity Jagannath in Odisha's Puri, issued a formally worded letter expressing deep concern to ISKCON's global leadership on June 15. The message was unequivocal: temples affiliated with the organisation are increasingly conducting Snana-yatra and Ratha-yatra festivals of Jagannath on dates directly contravening those laid down in sacred scripture, and have been traditionally honoured in Puri for centuries. This was not a minor calendrical disagreement, but a misappropriation and breach of the cultural and heritage integrity of Jagannath. The closest analogy of this would be that a Chinese company tomorrow decides to celebrate Christmas in summer because it is convenient. This cultural and religious misappropriation will continue if we don't grant protection — the legal kind — to assets such as Jagannath yatra. This requires a policy shift to recognise it and give it GI (geographical identification) protection as a cultural asset. The letter may appear to be an internal dispute between two branches of Vaishnavism. But read more closely, it reveals a deeper anxiety – one that touches the heart of India's spiritual and cultural sovereignty. At stake is not simply the question of which date a ritual is performed, but who gets to define and control the cultural and liturgical grammar of one of India's oldest living traditions. When a global institution like ISKCON, with temples in over 150 countries, celebrates these key festivals independently of the Puri calendar – sometimes weeks earlier or in different months – it doesn't just introduce confusion. It subtly creates a parallel universe of legitimacy that dilutes the sanctity and singularity of the original tradition rooted in Odisha. To understand why this is so significant, one must revisit the origins and structure of these festivals. The Snana-yatra (ceremonial bathing festival) and Ratha-yatra (chariot procession) of Jagannath are not just festivals – they are deeply codified rituals mentioned in several ancient texts, including the Skanda Purana, Padma Purana, and Brahma Purana. According to these scriptures, Snana-yatra is to be performed on Jyeshtha Purnima, which was on June 11. The Ratha-yatra begins on the Asadha Shukla Dwitiya – June 27 this year – and culminates on Dashami Tithi or July 5, after the Bahuda-yatra (return journey). They have been practiced as such on these dates for years. These dates are not arbitrary, but based on the lunar calendar and cosmological alignments scrupulously maintained in Puri for centuries. More than a million followers gather each year to witness the deities of Jagannath, Balabhadra, and Subhadra ride three massive chariots from the Jagannath temple to Gundicha temple in a grand and spiritually charged procession. This is not merely symbolic; it is one of the most ancient and vibrant public rituals in India's religious life, forming a key part of the country's intangible cultural heritage, as recognised by the culture ministry and international organisations like UNESCO. Yet, ISKCON, possibly to make the festival globally accessible, has chosen to perform Ratha-yatra on other dates. While inclusivity and global devotion are laudable goals, they do not grant licence to sever sacred tradition from its roots. In doing so, it may be unwittingly engaging in a form of spiritual franchising – taking the symbols, names, and outer rituals of Jagannath worship while ignoring the particular, scripturally sanctioned contexts in which these festivals are meant to be celebrated. The Gajapati Maharaja's intervention is, therefore, more than a defence of temple authority; it reveals an enormous gap in our cultural policy structure, which allows appropriation and control to be taken away by any organisation anywhere in the world. It's not just important to preserve the ritual coherence and historical ownership of this sacred tradition but also identify and recognise other such misappropriations. The chariot festivals of Jagannath have been stewarded for centuries by a complex ecosystem: the temple priests (daitapatis), the king as adya sevaka, the calendar scholars (panchangis), and a social consensus that ensures the tradition survives unbroken from generation to generation. Performing these festivals on unauthorised dates, without alignment with the anasara period (when the deities rest after the snana-yatra) or the auspicious lunar tithis, is not merely a deviation – it constitutes a disruption itself. This misalignment cannot be dismissed as mere administrative flexibility. It echoes a pattern seen in colonial interventions where indigenous rituals were reinterpreted or reorganised for the benefit of external audiences, often leading to cultural misappropriation. When ISKCON holds a ratha-yatra weeks ahead of the Puri yatra, it not only fractures devotional attention but also risks establishing a separate, unsanctioned lineage of Jagannath worship. Over time, this could dilute the spiritual primacy of the Puri tradition and confuse the global understanding of what the ratha-yatra represents. This is not a mere question of orthodoxy versus reform. It is about the difference between rootedness and reproduction. Just as celebrating Diwali in April or performing Holi during the monsoon would ring hollow, conducting Jagannath's snana-yatra or ratha-yatra out of sequence, and disconnected from the mother tradition in Puri, renders the ritual a simulacrum – a surface spectacle lacking its spiritual depth. The warning issued by Gajapati Maharaja Dibyasingha Deb, and echoed by scholars at the March 2025 conference in Bhubaneswar, must be taken seriously. As reported by the Times of India, they concluded that the performance of these sacred yatras outside the nine-day window between June 27 and July 5 – and without observing the necessary antecedents such as the anasara period – is a violation of 'ancient, well-established tradition". The risk here is not that ISKCON will 'take over" Jagannath worship. The danger is subtler: that by operating without deference to the Puri canon, it unintentionally creates a global version of Jagannath worship, which is slowly decoupled from the very soil, time, and ritual infrastructure that makes it sacred. Devotion does not require distortion. If ISKCON's aim is to honour Jagannath, it must also honour the tradition that made the deity known to the world. The sacred is not scalable in the way software is. It demands fidelity to time, to tradition, and to the keepers of memory who have sustained it for over a thousand years. top videos View all In an age where cultural icons can be copied, rebranded, and globalised with ease, the call from Puri is not for exclusivity but for integrity. Jagannath, the Lord of the Universe, deserves nothing less than the truth of the time and place. Anything else is not homage, it is erasure. (K Yatish Rajawat is a public policy researcher and works at the Gurgaon-based think tank Centre for Innovation in Public Policy (CIPP). Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect News18's views) First Published: June 16, 2025, 21:06 IST News opinion Opinion | Trespassing Tradition: How ISKCON's Parallel Jagannath Yatra Risks Diluting India's Sacred Heritage Disclaimer: Comments reflect users' views, not News18's. Please keep discussions respectful and constructive. Abusive, defamatory, or illegal comments will be removed. News18 may disable any comment at its discretion. By posting, you agree to our Terms of Use and Privacy Policy.
