China's Incursion Into Indian Territory Continues: Beijing Silently Builts Road In Shaksgam Valley, Satellite Images Reveal
Shaksgam holds deep strategic importance. In 1984, India launched Operation Meghdoot to gain control over the nearby Siachen region, emphasizing the stakes in this part of the Himalayas.
Spotted by open-source intelligence analyst Nathan Ruser and confirmed by researcher Nethra Desai, China's latest infrastructure move shows an extension of a road that cuts through the rugged terrain. This new stretch connects to China's G219 highway, known as the Aksai Chin road, and moves in through the Aghil Pass, which historically marked the divide between Ladakh and Xinjiang.
Breaking: Amidst a thaw in China-India relations, the China have completed a new road cutting via traditional frontier pass i.e. Shaksgam Pass thereby completing a road loop. The China have now two-pronged entry to the Shaksgam valley General overview of the new developments attached
(1/8) pic.twitter.com/nvnKaM3uZ4 — Nature Desai (@NatureDesai) July 28, 2025
Desai, who had earlier flagged the first signs of construction in 2024, has now shared updated satellite visuals that track the progression of the road deeper into the valley. This new route indicates a calculated attempt to solidify China's logistical access to this disputed zone.
The Legal and Historical Dispute
The area was originally part of the princely state of Jammu and Kashmir. In March 1963, months after the India-China war, Pakistan signed a boundary agreement with Beijing and transferred the Shaksgam Valley to China. India has called this move illegal from the outset. New Delhi has never accepted this transfer and continues to assert that Shaksgam remains part of Indian territory.
India's official position has been reaffirmed on multiple occasions. In July 2024, Ministry of External Affairs spokesperson Randhir Jaiswal reiterated India's stance, saying, 'Shaksgam Valley is part of India. We do not recognise the so-called China-Pakistan boundary agreement of 1963, under which Pakistan illegally attempted to cede this area to China.'
Pakistan, meanwhile, has leveraged territories under its control, including Pakistan-occupied Kashmir (PoK), to deepen its strategic ties with China. The handover of Shaksgam was part of a broader effort to strengthen China's position in the region.
Over the years, both countries have increased their collaboration on military logistics and cross-border infrastructure.
A 2024 report by journalist Tom Hussain in the South China Morning Post pointed to Chinese plans to build new land routes through Gilgit-Baltistan. The goal, the report said, was to improve ground access for joint operations against Indian positions in Ladakh and Kashmir.
Chinese infrastructure projects across Aksai Chin, PoK and now Shaksgam Valley reflect a pattern: consolidating military and logistical control over disputed border areas.
India continues to monitor these developments closely, viewing them not just as violations of territorial sovereignty but as long-term moves aimed at altering the ground reality across the Line of Actual Control.
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
India.com
25 minutes ago
- India.com
PM Modi, HM Shah Meet President Murmu At Rashtrapati Bhavan
Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Home Minister Amit Shah on Sunday separately called on President Droupadi Murmu at the Rashtrapati Bhavan here. The meetings came just a day before the ongoing Monsoon Session of the Parliament resumes on Monday. Taking to X, the Rashtrapati Bhavan posted: "Prime Minister Shri @narendramodi called on President Droupadi Murmu at Rashtrapati Bhavan." It shared pictures of PM Modi and President Murmu. Another post read: "Union Minister for Home Affairs and Cooperation, Shri Amit Shah called on President Droupadi Murmu at Rashtrapati Bhavan." Details related to either of the meetings were not immediately available. The meetings came against the backdrop of heated exchanges witnessed in the Parliament over the Special Intensive Revision process in Bihar ahead of the Assembly elections in the eastern state. PM Modi met President Murmu just a day after he said that the welfare of farmers, small industries, and youth remains the government's 'top priority' as the country stays on track to become the world's third-largest economy, even as US President Donald Trump announced that 25 per cent tariffs would be imposed on India from August 7. PM Modi reaffirmed the resilience of the Indian economy amid turbulence triggered by US tariff hikes, saying that the country must remain vigilant about its economic interests and adopt 'swadeshi' products. 'There is an atmosphere of global instability. All countries are focusing on their individual interests. India is going to become the third biggest economy in the world, and this is why India will have to stay alert as far as its economic interests are concerned,' the Prime Minister said during a rally in Varanasi on Saturday. Earlier this week, Trump announced 25 per cent reciprocal tariffs on Indian goods. He said India would also face an additional tariff penalty for buying Russian oil. The Parliament has seen little business since the Monsoon Session commenced on July 21.
Hindustan Times
25 minutes ago
- Hindustan Times
'Virat, the nation needs you': Shashi Tharoor ‘misses' Kohli more than ever amid Ind vs Eng 5th Test
Senior Congress leader shared that he has been 'missing' cricketer Virat Kohli during the ongoing India-England test series at the Oval but never as much as the Sunday match, the fifth and final one. New Delhi: Congress MP Shashi Tharoor during the Monsoon session of Parliament, in New Delhi, Thursday, July 31, 2025. (PTI Photo/Ravi Choudhary)(PTI07_31_2025_000220A)(PTI) Wondering if it is too late to urge Virat Kohli to return, Shashi Tharoor said the cricketer's 'grit and intensity, his inspirational presence in the field, not to mention his abundant batting skills, might have led to a different outcome.' 'I've been missing @imVkohli a few times during this series, but never as much as in this Test match. His grit and intensity, his inspirational presence in the field, not to mention his abundant batting skills, might have led to a different outcome. Is it too late to call him out if retirement? Virat, the nation needs you!' Shashi Tharoor's post read.
Hindustan Times
25 minutes ago
- Hindustan Times
Misunderstanding India's advocacy for multipolarity
A growing number of liberal American geopolitical analysts and Donald Trump, whom they despise, have a few things in common — they are opposed to India's relationship with Russia, its association with Brics, and advocacy for multipolarity. Trump's criticism of India is sharp and direct, of course. The Trump presidency will end in another three-and-a-half years, but this rare consensus in Washington DC, on India's search for multipolarity will remain. This is something, therefore, Indian strategic thinkers must reflect on. Put differently, with or without Trump around, India's advocacy for multipolarity will continue to haunt New Delhi, particularly given the structural transformations underway in the international system today. India's foreign policy is not about indecision. It is a constant search for autonomy, balance and agency. (AFP) Let's begin by unpacking some important aspects of multipolarity, given its many layers of complexity and ambiguity. First, notwithstanding the general perception about the virtues of multipolarity, it is becoming somewhat clear that a multipolar world is not as pretty as we had imagined it to be. Even the imperfect multipolarity that we have today — with poles of various sizes and influence competing for power — seems messy, incoherent, confusing and hard to navigate. If this is what a system that is not even really multipolar looks like, what will a true multipolar system look like? Second, notwithstanding the messy nature of the quasi-multipolar order today, New Delhi remains committed to a multipolar world. The desire for multipolarity is deeply entrenched in India's tradition of non-alignment, which is one of the first principles of Indian foreign policy. When faced with a difficult choice, the first strategic instinct of political New Delhi is to be non-aligned, neutral, and multi-aligned. Mostly in that order. I would not view that as strategic escapism. It is very much part of the DNA of Indian foreign policy. It would also be wrong to mistake non-alignment (or a variation thereof) as not valuing friendships, loyalty or solidarity: In fact, India's foreign policy history is rich with examples of friendships, loyalty and solidarity. In that sense, India's foreign policy is not about indecision; it's a constant search for autonomy, balance and agency. This is where the country's fascination with a multipolar world becomes crucial, for there is no genuine autonomy, balance and agency in world affairs without true multipolarity. Third, India's complaints about American unipolarity are on a steady decline, even as the rhetoric remains. It would be a mistake, however, to view New Delhi's rhetoric against unipolarity as merely, or primarily, directed against the US because today, New Delhi is less anxious about America's global unipolarity than a potential Chinese unipolarity in Asia. While America's declining global unipolarity is mostly a theoretical concern for New Delhi, the prospect of a China-led unipolar Asia is the true source of anxiety. In that sense, New Delhi's desire for multipolarity is also an attempt at ensuring the absence of a unipolar (China-dominated) Asia. Therefore, even if New Delhi is more focused on countering Chinese unipolarity in Asia rather than US unipolarity globally, opposing regional unipolarity without opposing global unipolarity will ring hollow. There are two reasons why New Delhi would be concerned about China's unipolarity in Asia. One, this could mean that China might set the rules of geopolitical engagement in Asia. Once much of Asia falls under China's influence, it will be harder for New Delhi to push back Chinese hegemony. Two, a rise of Chinese unipolarity in Asia might prompt the US to think of accommodating China in a G2 format, especially if the American nativist and isolationist tendencies persist. In an ideal world, New Delhi's articulations must make a clear distinction between American unipolarity and Chinese attempts at unipolarity in Asia, but doing so is not easy for a variety of reasons, including that New Delhi continues to resist aspects of American unipolarity and is not yet willing to acknowledge the possibility of Chinese unipolarity in Asia. But New Delhi's rhetoric against American unipolarity and hegemony, without openly resisting the growing Chinese regional hegemony or a potentially unipolar Asia, could have unintended consequences. Some US administrations, especially the current one, might interpret India's rhetoric against American unipolarity as personal rather than an academic exercise, for the most part. This could prompt an unhappy Washington to undercut India's geopolitical standing in the region, thereby indirectly aiding China's attempts at regional hegemony. This creates a paradox: India aims to counter Chinese unipolarity in Asia by promoting global multipolarity, which annoys the US, prompting it to marginalise India in the region, thereby ultimately aiding Beijing's efforts to establish hegemony in Asia. New Delhi's rhetoric against American unipolarity and hegemony could also prompt the US, which is losing influence in various parts of the world, to seek ways of strengthening its influence in spaces where it can — this could lead to accepting Chinese unipolarity in Asia. More so, if the US reacts negatively towards India, as it is doing now, it could create a fertile ground for China and Russia to fan the Indian rhetoric against the US, encourage India to proactively participate in forums and arrangements aimed at undermining US unipolarity, and generate confusion within India's strategic community about the true motives behind India's multipolarity rhetoric. All of this will further drive the geopolitical wedge between New Delhi and Washington DC. There is no easy way out. New Delhi will need to have a lot more conversations and build trust with the US. That is not easy when a president like Trump occupies the White House. Happymon Jacob is the founder and director of the Council for Strategic and Defense Research and the editor of INDIA'S WORLD magazine. The views expressed are personal.
