logo
India's 'more options' ICBMs

India's 'more options' ICBMs

Express Tribune3 days ago
Listen to article
India's strategic consideration is to extend the range of its ICBMs beyond the territories of its rivals — China and Pakistan. It's a worrisome development for those who played a significant role in allowing India to extend the ranges of its ICBMs. In the future, Western capitals will fall within India's ICBM targeting range.
ICBMs are one of the potent modes of carrying weapons of mass destruction. Nuclear-tipped ICBMs can cause havoc on rivals and are instrumental in ensuring mutual vulnerabilities. This adds lethality to these weapons that rivals keep a wary eye on the development of each other's ICBMs. India's friends kept a blind eye on its ICBMs. Is it because India has been granted the status of 'Net Security Provider' and 'Major Defence Partner' in the Indian Ocean Region by the United States? Likewise, a Cold War power also covertly assisted India in developing its ICBM programme through its space launch vehicles.
However, there are no permanent enemies, nor are there permanent friends; only interests. Therefore, there is a need to debunk the perception that India's extending ICBM ranges are only to target Pakistan and China. India's ICBMs can also pose a potent threat to its allies in the future. Once such a capability is achieved, it will not be easy to reverse it. Recently, the world has witnessed the US bombing of bunker busters on Iran's nuclear facilities. The intense bombing damaged Iran's nuclear facilities but not beyond repair, as per the IAEA. This also lends credence to India's ICBM programme, which has extended ranges. It has taken advantage of Western capitals' blind spot on its deadly development. Once India develops ICBMs with extended ranges, Western capitals will be permanently on its target list.
The workhorse of India's ICBM arsenal is Agni-V, recently deployed by its Strategic Forces Command, representing a significant step in target acquisition beyond its rivals' territories. Agni-V was first tested in 2012 with a declared range of 5,500km. Officially, it was a long-range ballistic missile (LRBM). Chinese experts initially assessed that the Agni-V range was under-declared, and its actual range is 8,000km.
However, the Indian strategic community maintained a strategic silence on its range. ANI first broke the news in 2022, reporting that India could extend the range of Agni-V up to 7,000km by replacing the steel content with composite materials. Presently, Agni-V is now Multiple Independent Targetable Re-entry Vehicle, providing more options for utility to the Indian Strategic Force Command during conflicts. Now, after all these years, Indian media and analysts openly suggest that the Agni-V range is 8,000km.
What about Agni-VI and Surya ICBMs? Will these two ICBMs provide India with more options? Of course, these two will be utilised for more options. News about Surya first came to the public in 1999. The development was kept secret but accidentally revealed by Indian Minister of State for Defence (and former head of DRDO) Bachi Singh Rawat. He told the media that India is developing an ICBM known as Surya that would have a range of up to 5,000km. Mr Rawat was later stripped of his position after disclosing the ICBM. He dropped a bombshell on the international community by revealing India's top-secret, under-development ICBM.
Indian rocketry received significant assistance from the Space Launch Vehicle programme, which it obtained with foreign support. Notably, India received Cryogenic engines for its SLV programme from Ukraine and Russia in the 1990s. It is believed that the same cryogenic engines are now Surya's test-bed. In the early 2000s, Russian and Western intelligence assessments indicated that India was developing an ICBM with more than 5000km range, which can be extended to 10,000km. Nevertheless, Western powers conspicuously kept mum on this, knowing that they would eventually be on India's targeting list.
Independent analysis also suggests that Agni-VI has a range of 10000-12000km. Agni-VI and Surya are under development, and to date, no test or trial of these systems by DRDO has been conducted. The Indian decision not to test Agni-VI and Surya may be due to unseen pressure from the US. Previously, the US has least criticised India on its anti-satellite test in 2019, despite overtly criticising China and Russia's ASAT missile tests in the past. India may test Agni-VI and Surya by ignoring US pressure, as it completely ignored the US pressure when it tested its ASAT missile.
India does not deny the development of both. However, India never openly discussed it due to the possibility of pressure from London, Paris, Moscow and Washington, as they were already aware of such developments. Instead, Washington and its allies are busy alleging that other powers are developing ICBMs.
What is this "more options" strategy? Is there any rocket science required to understand more options strategy? No, India's intermediate-range and long-range ballistic missiles are enough to achieve targets within the territories of Pakistan and China. Therefore, "a more option" strategy is linked with Agni-VI and Surya to acquire targets well beyond Pakistan and China. London, Paris, Moscow and Washington may reconsider their position and think about being included in the "more options" strategy.
The Western powers have helped India develop its ICBM capability while also allowing the interchangeability of space and missile components and systems, which has contributed to India's space and ballistic missile programmes. Now, the onus lies on them to think about India's "more option" strategy.
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Belated but bold
Belated but bold

Express Tribune

time4 hours ago

  • Express Tribune

Belated but bold

Listen to article France's decision to formally recognise the State of Palestine is a seismic diplomatic shift in Europe's approach to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. While long overdue, this step by President Emmanuel Macron — set to be formalised at the UN General Assembly in September — could prove pivotal for Palestine's position in the international arena. With this announcement, France becomes the most influential European power to break with the Western bloc's longstanding hesitation. While over 140 UN member states already recognise Palestine, key global actors including the US, the UK and Germany continue to withhold recognition, tying it to a final negotiated settlement with Israel — one that grows more elusive by the day. France's move breaks that inertia, foreshadowing that the international community can no longer turn a blind eye to the lopsided nature of the so-called peace process. This recognition also arrives at a time of unprecedented carnage in Gaza. Nearly 60,000 Palestinians have been killed and millions displaced in Israel's relentless assault, while hunger and disease ravage a besieged population. The growing chorus of condemnation, including from Western allies, is a turning tide in international opinion. Critics will rightly say this step comes too late — after decades of occupation, failed negotiations, and now, one of the deadliest conflicts in modern times. But the belated nature of the decision does not diminish its significance. France's stance may spur others, especially within the EU and possibly beyond, to follow suit, bringing greater pressure on Israel to end its genocide. France's step, however delayed, must now become a catalyst for real, sustained international engagement. But recognition must be followed by concrete diplomatic action and, most importantly, an insistence on an immediate ceasefire and unfettered humanitarian access to Gaza.

Monsoon red wedding
Monsoon red wedding

Express Tribune

time4 hours ago

  • Express Tribune

Monsoon red wedding

Listen to article The monsoon session of the Indian parliament has just begun. And so far, it is shaping up to be an event reminiscent of the Red Wedding from the Game of Thrones series. Ergo, monsoon red wedding. Neat, right? Let me also posit that the title's resemblance to the movie, Monsoon Wedding, by the inimitable Mira Nair (who also happens to be rising political star Zohran Mamdani's mother) is purely coincidental. So, what happened? In view of unanswered questions about the Pahalgam attack, Operation Sindoor, the upcoming Bihar elections, the ongoing Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls in the state, and the Ahmedabad plane crash, it was a given that this would likely be a high-stakes session. But the fallout of Operation Sindoor and the diluted 2024 election mandate seem to have complicated the situation further. Operation Sindoor, because there is a verifiable gap between the government's triumphalist claims and public perception about what went down. And the fallout of the 2024 election, because for the first time in Modi's enviable career, it was proven that he was not invincible. That led to many dynamics. One of them was the confirmation of the growing distance between the RSS and the Modi government. So far, Indian pundits have tried to present it as a personality clash between Dr Mohan Bhagwat, the RSS chief, and PM Modi. However, new evidence has emerged to substantiate claims that the differences are institutional, and the widening gulf between the two sides is outlook-oriented. Operation Sindoor's end has simply strengthened the case of the Modi critics within this self-contained universe. When the BJP failed to win a clear majority in the 2024 general elections, an unconfirmed report reached me via the RSS's international affiliates that Modi had reached out to the organisation with an assurance and a request. The assurance was that he would step aside when he turned 75 (17 September 2025), but until then, he or his government should not be disturbed. Now, you understand I cannot prove or disprove that claim. Since his rise to power at the Centre, Modi has used the 75-year age limit to retire many senior party leaders like Advani. Now the shoe is on the other foot. And, as if that was not enough, recently Bhagwat, who himself turns seventy-five six days before Modi, on 11 September, gave a speech in which he extolled the virtues of retiring at that age. It was read as a direct reminder to Modi. You have to hand it to the Indian media for being so craven that even so-called independent voices in the digital, social, and alternative media suggested that Bhagwat retire on 11 September to put pressure on Modi to retire six days later. Then they would enlighten you that the RSS's secretary-general Dattatreya Hosabale, and possibly Bhagwat's successor, was close to Modi. So, basically, Modi just had to outlive Bhagwat's tenure. As we shall see, this has changed significantly. But let's return to the parliamentary session for a minute. Days before the start of the session, it was already made public that, in the opening days, Modi would travel to the UK and then Mauritius. So, he wouldn't participate in the session in the intervening period. But the session's first surprise came when, on day one, Vice President Jagdeep Dhankhar resigned from his office, citing his health. Only days earlier, he had informed an audience that he intended to serve his full term until 2027, barring any divine intervention. Given that, like his American counterpart, the Indian Veep is supposed to preside over upper house proceedings, the obfuscation machine that is India's media began spinning a yarn, claiming — through sources - that Dhankhar was shown the door because of his differences with the Modi government. Both as Bengal governor and then vice president, he had behaved as Modi's most committed troll. So this did not compute. Not one story mentioned that he is 74 years old and will be 76 in 2027. Get it? There is speculation that more heads may soon roll. One name mentioned is that of UP's Yogi Adityanath. But this speculation is the outcome of the fallacy that the Modi government was responsible for Dhankhar's exit. Granted, the RSS seems to be looking for a different kind of PM candidate, but it does not seem to have any problem with Yogi as CM. If Dhankhar's exit was a case of age-limit implementation, it puts another speculation to rest. Earlier, it was thought that upon turning 75, Modi may step down, installing Amit Shah as premier, only to return as president once the incumbent retires. In short, the Putin model. This theory, of course, presumes that the RSS will not have any issue with him becoming president after seventy-five. But if the vice president has to be younger than that age, then that option is also out of the question. Perhaps that is why Amit Shah appeared to be managing expectations by bringing up his retirement plan a day before Bhagwat spoke. Now the RSS's inner dynamics. While Modi, Shah and their allies have made a career out of Muslim-baiting, Bhagwat has progressively tried to reach out to India's most significant minority. This Thursday, RSS leadership met with Muslim clerics in New Delhi and agreed on an interfaith dialogue. Among the RSS top brass that participated, Hosabale was also present. So it is a clear signal that Bhagwat's policies are not just those of one man, but of the institution. Incidentally, the organisation does not elect its leader. The outgoing leader nominates the next. So, why the difference in outlook? Modi and Shah's perspective is defined by their short-term survival and hence optics. The RSS, which turns one hundred this year, believes in the long game. And while the ruling duo served its purpose well in the first term, it has become a liability. Between 2015 and 2022, the organisation had achieved many of its strategic goals — narrative dominance, the Ram Mandir judgement, and the rapid rise of the Indian diaspora. Then it learned that it had to choose between being unique and being universal. Meanwhile, Modi's policies abroad caused a blowback which negatively impacted the diaspora and India's core interests. The Sangh Parivar now needs the real deal, not a make-believe global leader. And for that, it is ready to wait and groom new leaders. It just wants the blowback to stop, which is impossible without Modi's departure. So, is it the end of the road for Modi and Shah? Who knows? But this extrapolation exercise was undertaken because the Indian media is utterly unreliable. And, given that all of these are deductions, I can be woefully wrong. But, as I highlighted above, there is enough prima facie evidence to suggest that I am not.

Modi announces $565-million credit line for debt-plagued Maldives
Modi announces $565-million credit line for debt-plagued Maldives

Business Recorder

time11 hours ago

  • Business Recorder

Modi announces $565-million credit line for debt-plagued Maldives

NEW DELHI/COLOMBO: Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi announced a $565-million credit line and launched free trade talks with the Maldives on Friday during a visit to the Indian Ocean archipelago, where India competes with China for influence. Modi's two-day trip is aimed at boosting India's development partnership with the Maldives, and he said the credit line was central to that goal. 'This will be used for projects linked to infrastructure development in line with the priorities of the Maldivian people,' he said, adding that the two countries would also finalise a bilateral investment agreement. They will work to deepen cooperation on multiple sectors including tourism, healthcare, and housing, Maldives President Mohamed Muizzu said. 'Looking ahead we are fully committed to further strengthen our cooperation with India across a broad range of sectors through exchange of high-level visits,' Muizzu added. India, UK trade deal signals Modi's priorities as New Delhi eyes EU, US pacts Modi is the first foreign leader to visit Muizzu since he took office in 2023, pledging at the time to end the Maldives' 'India first' policy, and taking steps to strengthen ties with China. Muizzu's moves briefly soured relations with New Delhi, before India helped to prevent the $7.5 billion economy from defaulting on its debt as the Maldives struggled to get tourists to its white-sand beaches and luxury resorts. He has since visited both countries, the Maldives' main bilateral lenders, to secure financial support, as well as signing trade pacts with China and Turkey and initiating talks with India on a trade agreement and an investment treaty. Modi will also remotely inaugurate an expansion of the international airport on the island of Hanimaadhoo, which India is helping to finance, and attend Saturday's celebration of the Maldives' 60th anniversary of independence from Britain.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store