
Minefields Over Minecraft—Ukraine's Youth Robbed of Childhood Innocence
Here, for children living in these villages, the horror is unimaginable. Miles of newly dug trenches and "dragon teeth," strings of cable connecting pyramidal cement blocks designed to stop tanks and armored vehicles, create a haunting maze across once-prized and meticulously tilled farmlands between villages and towns. For children, red signs and flagging mark field after field mined by the Russians. We crossed these structures carefully, led by local leaders connecting us with the neediest children and families.
With schools closed and classes only online, a Ukrainian girl takes part in arts and crafts, here making hand prints in the blue and yellow colors of the national flag, in a program supported by...
With schools closed and classes only online, a Ukrainian girl takes part in arts and crafts, here making hand prints in the blue and yellow colors of the national flag, in a program supported by UNICEF and the Howard Buffett Foundation, on January 22, 2025, in Izium, Ukraine. MoreMy recent trip was my twelfth to Ukraine since the war started in 2022. As a co-founder of the nonprofit Common Man for Ukraine, I've been all over the war-ravaged country, providing food, critical hygiene items, and at the holidays, small toys for children. We also provide residential trauma counseling retreats to children whose fathers have been killed in the war.
Our volunteer convoys have crisscrossed Ukraine's vast landscape from Lviv to Kyiv, Odessa to Kherson, and on my recent trip, Kharkiv and 16 small villages at the Russian frontline. I've joined our convoys across more than 20,000 miles on unmarked, abandoned roads, highways and dirt paths, providing food to children living in safe houses and orphanages in western and central Ukraine. I've hugged thousands of children hiding from Russian kidnapping and bombing. These children are secreted away in hidden safe houses where brokenhearted mothers and fathers sent them in hopes that these precious children—Ukraine's progeny—would survive the war.
In a brief moment of calm, Common Man for Ukraine Co-Founder Susan Mathison (bottom right) sits with children at a safe house in a frontline Ukrainian village in March 2025, after delivering food, clothes, and...
In a brief moment of calm, Common Man for Ukraine Co-Founder Susan Mathison (bottom right) sits with children at a safe house in a frontline Ukrainian village in March 2025, after delivering food, clothes, and Beanie Babies. More
Photo Courtesy of Common Man for Ukraine
Typical now, as we arrived at a frontline village the air alert sirens blared loudly. Our air alert app indicated ongoing threats. We could hear concussive explosions just beyond the tree line to the east. And yet, quietly, calmly, hundreds of mothers, grandmothers, old men and hundreds of children waited for the food we could deliver to them. Food, hygiene items, and toys for the children. Messages of hope, love, and strength from people they will never know.
After most of our food had been delivered, I entered the village's abandoned school. Bright walls were painted with bright flowers that no children see. The soggy floor sagged below the gaping hole in the roof. Shelling? Windows were blown out and a curtain flapped languidly in the breeze. A child's tiny blue plastic airplane rested on a once-perfectly painted windowsill, covered now in broken glass. There was no electricity here. And no teaching. The chalkboards were clean and the chairs pulled neatly to each desk. And, in a corner, a brightly colored booklet caught my eye. A comic book. Simple enough, in Ukrainian, and, ironically now, a USAID logo at the bottom. A partnership between the U.S. government and the Ukrainian children's agency. I flipped through the book. The pictures told the story of these children's terror. I gasped.
With this March 2025 humanitarian supply convoy to Ukraine's frontline villages, nonprofit Common Man for Ukraine has delivered more than 4 million pounds of food to the children of war. Their 13th convoy is planned...
With this March 2025 humanitarian supply convoy to Ukraine's frontline villages, nonprofit Common Man for Ukraine has delivered more than 4 million pounds of food to the children of war. Their 13th convoy is planned for August. More
Photo Courtesy of Common Man for Ukraine
Tiny drawings showed the bear with the bomb hidden gently inside the bear's fluffy tummy, ready to kill the child who ignored the warning.
Another image showed an unexploded ammunition and mine in a pile of leaves, warning kids not to play. "Among the branches, fallen leaves, and under the snow in Ukraine, it is difficult to notice a strike." What child has not aimlessly kicked up a rustling pile of fun? For Ukrainian children, it might cost them a leg or a life.
The comic book that Susan Mathison found on a recent trip to Ukraine.
The comic book that Susan Mathison found on a recent trip to Ukraine.
Photo Courtesy of Common Man for Ukraine
Another page showed red and white triangles, explaining that this means the ground around them is mined. A child running, carefree in an open field of grass? Not in Ukraine, it says. The Russians have mined the fields that once hosted your games and your family's livelihood.
Simple drawings, a comic book. For the youngest child to understand. To try to survive. To remember every second of the day. Air alerts. Bombing. Teddy bears with bombs. Fields designed to kill. The terror felt by Ukrainian children. Children who struggle to make sense of the senseless.
These children, the ones that survive, the ones that we hope will live in a free and independent Ukraine, will need our help for decades to come. We've begun the work already, delivering thousands of tons of aid, providing trauma counseling, and reminding Ukrainians young and old, that Americans cannot and will not give up on them. Common Man for Ukraine, a nonprofit that is moving mountains in Ukraine, proves that everyday Americans care. We'll return for our thirteenth convoy in August.
Every child deserves a comic book with a happy ending.
Susan Mathison co-founded the New England-based grassroots nonprofit CommonManForUkraine.org in 2022, serves as president of her local Habitat for Humanity chapter, and retired after a 30-year career at the USDA Forest Service.
The views expressed in this article are the writer's own.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles

30 minutes ago
How Russia reins in the internet by blocking websites and isolating it from the rest of the world
TALLINN, Estonia -- YouTube videos that won't load. A visit to a popular independent media website that produces only a blank page. Cellphone internet connections that are down for hours or days. Going online in Russia can be frustrating, complicated and even dangerous. It's not a network glitch but a deliberate, multipronged and long-term effort by authorities to bring the internet under the Kremlin's full control. Authorities adopted restrictive laws and banned websites and platforms that won't comply. Technology has been perfected to monitor and manipulate online traffic. While it's still possible to circumvent restrictions by using virtual private network apps, those are routinely blocked, too. Authorities further restricted internet access this summer with widespread shutdowns of cellphone internet connections and adopting a law punishing users for searching for content they deem illicit. They also are threatening to go after the popular WhatsApp platform while rolling out a new 'national' messenger that's widely expected to be heavily monitored. President Vladimir Putin urged the government to 'stifle' foreign internet services and ordered officials to assemble a list of platforms from 'unfriendly' states that should be restricted. Experts and rights advocates told The Associated Press that the scale and effectiveness of the restrictions are alarming. Authorities seem more adept at it now, compared with previous, largely futile efforts to restrict online activities, and they're edging closer to isolating the internet in Russia. Human Rights Watch researcher Anastasiia Kruope describes Moscow's approach to reining in the internet as 'death by a thousand cuts." "Bit by bit, you're trying to come to a point where everything is controlled.' Kremlin efforts to control what Russians do, read or say online dates to 2011-12, when the internet was used to challenge authority. Independent media outlets bloomed, and anti-government demonstrations that were coordinated online erupted after disputed parliamentary elections and Putin's decision to run again for president. Russia began adopting regulations tightening internet controls. Some blocked websites; others required providers to store call records and messages, sharing it with security services if needed, and install equipment allowing authorities to control and cut off traffic. Companies like Google or Facebook were pressured to store user data on Russian servers, to no avail, and plans were announced for a 'sovereign internet' that could be cut off from the rest of the world. Russia's popular Facebook-like social media platform VK, founded by Pavel Durov long before he launched the Telegram messenger, came under the control of Kremlin-friendly companies. Russia tried to block Telegram between 2018-20 but failed. Prosecutions for social media posts and comments became common, showing that authorities were closely watching the online space. Still, experts had dismissed Kremlin efforts to rein in the internet as futile, arguing Russia was far from building something akin to China's 'Great Firewall,' which Beijing uses to block foreign websites. After Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022, the government blocked major social media like Twitter, Facebook and Instagram, as well as Signal and a few other messaging apps. VPNs also were targeted, making it harder to reach restricted websites. YouTube access was disrupted last summer in what experts called deliberate throttling by authorities. The Kremlin blamed YouTube owner Google for not maintaining its hardware in Russia. The platform has been wildly popular in Russia, both for entertainment and for voices critical of the Kremlin, like the late opposition leader Alexei Navalny. Cloudflare, an internet infrastructure provider, said in June that websites using its services were being throttled in Russia. Independent news site Mediazona reported that several other popular Western hosting providers also are being inhibited. Cyber lawyer Sarkis Darbinyan, founder of Russian internet freedom group Roskomsvoboda, said authorities have been trying to push businesses to migrate to Russian hosting providers that can be controlled. He estimates about half of all Russian websites are powered by foreign hosting and infrastructure providers, many offering better quality and price than domestic equivalents. A 'huge number' of global websites and platforms use those providers, he said, so cutting them off means those websites 'automatically become inaccessible' in Russia too. Another concerning trend is the consolidation of Russia's internet providers and companies that manage IP addresses, according to a July 30 Human Rights Watch report. Last year, authorities raised the cost of obtaining an internet provider license from 7,500 rubles (about $90) to 1 million rubles (over $12,300), and state data shows that more than half of all IP addresses in Russia are managed by seven large companies, with Rostelecom, Russia's state telephone and internet giant, accounting for 25%. The Kremlin is striving 'to control the internet space in Russia, and to censor things, to manipulate the traffic,' said HRW's Kruope. A new Russian law criminalized online searches for broadly defined 'extremist' materials. That could include LGBTQ+ content, opposition groups, some songs by performers critical of the Kremlin — and Navalny's memoir, which was designated as extremist last week. Right advocates say it's a step toward punishing consumers — not just providers — like in Belarus, where people are routinely fined or jailed for reading or following certain independent media outlets. Stanislav Seleznev, cyber security expert and lawyer with the Net Freedom rights group, doesn't expect ubiquitous prosecutions, since tracking individual online searches in a country of 146 million remains a tall order. But even a limited number of cases could scare many from restricted content, he said. Another major step could be blocking WhatsApp, which monitoring service Mediascope said had over 97 million monthly users in April. WhatsApp 'should prepare to leave the Russian market,' said lawmaker Anton Gorelkin, and a new 'national' messenger, MAX, developed by social media company VK, would take its place. Telegram, another popular messenger, probably won't be restricted, he said. MAX, promoted as a one-stop shop for messaging, online government services, making payments and more, was rolled out for beta tests but has yet to attract a wide following. Over 2 million people registered by July, the Tass news agency reported. Its terms and conditions say it will share user data with authorities upon request, and a new law stipulates its preinstallation in all smartphones sold in Russia. State institutions, officials and businesses are actively encouraged to move communications and blogs to MAX. Anastasia Zhyrmont of the Access Now internet freedom group said both Telegram and WhatsApp were disrupted in Russia in July in what could be a test of how potential blockages would affect internet infrastructure. It wouldn't be uncommon. In recent years, authorities regularly tested cutting off the internet from the rest of the world, sometimes resulting in outages in some regions. Darbinyan believes the only way to make people use MAX is to 'shut down, stifle' every Western alternative. 'But again, habits ... do not change in a year or two. And these habits acquired over decades, when the internet was fast and free,' he said. Government media and internet regulator Roskomnadzor uses more sophisticated methods, analyzing all web traffic and identifying what it can block or choke off, Darbinyan said. It's been helped by 'years of perfecting the technology, years of taking over and understanding the architecture of the internet and the players,' as well as Western sanctions and companies leaving the Russian market since 2022, said Kruope of Human Rights Watch. Russia is 'not there yet' in isolating its internet from the rest of the world, Darbinyan said, but Kremlin efforts are 'bringing it closer.'


Boston Globe
43 minutes ago
- Boston Globe
Trump pressures China and India to stop buying cheap Russian oil
Three countries are big buyers of Russian oil China, India and Turkey are the biggest recipients of oil that used to go to the European Union. The EU's decision to boycott most Russian seaborne oil from January 2023 led to a massive shift in crude flows from Europe to Asia. Since then China has been the No. 1 overall purchaser of Russian energy since the EU boycott, with some $219.5 billion worth of Russian oil, gas and coal, followed by India with $133.4 billion and Turkey with $90.3 billion. Before the invasion, India imported relatively little Russian oil. Hungary imports some Russian oil through a pipeline. Hungary is an EU member, but President Viktor Orban has been critical of sanctions against Russia. Advertisement The lure of cheaper oil One big reason: It's cheap. Since Russian oil trades at a lower price than international benchmark Brent, refineries can fatten their profit margins when they turn crude into usable products such as diesel fuel. Russia's oil earnings are substantial despite sanctions The Kyiv School of Economics says Russia took in $12.6 billion from oil sales in June. Russia continues to earn substantial sums even as the Group of Seven leading industrialized nations has tried to limit Russia's take by imposing an oil price cap. The cap is to be enforced by requiring shipping and insurance companies to refuse to handle oil shipments above the cap. Russia has to a great extent been able to evade the cap by shipping oil on a 'shadow fleet' of old vessels using insurers and trading companies located in countries that are not enforcing sanctions. Advertisement Russian oil exporters are predicted to take in $153 billion this year, according to the Kyiv institute. Fossil fuels are the single largest source of budget revenue. The imports support Russia's ruble currency and help Russia to buy goods from other countries, including weapons and parts for them.


San Francisco Chronicle
43 minutes ago
- San Francisco Chronicle
Trump pressures China and India to stop buying cheap Russian oil
U.S. President Donald Trump is pushing China and India to stop buying oil from Russia and helping fund the Kremlin's war against Ukraine. Trump is raising the issue as he seeks to press Russian President Vladimir Putin to agree to a ceasefire. But cheap Russian oil benefits refiners in those countries as well as meeting their needs for energy, and they're not showing any inclination to halt the practice. Three countries are big buyers of Russian oil China, India and Turkey are the biggest recipients of oil that used to go to the European Union. The EU's decision to boycott most Russian seaborne oil from January 2023 led to a massive shift in crude flows from Europe to Asia. Since then China has been the No. 1 overall purchaser of Russian energy since the EU boycott, with some $219.5 billion worth of Russian oil, gas and coal, followed by India with $133.4 billion and Turkey with $90.3 billion. Before the invasion, India imported relatively little Russian oil. Hungary imports some Russian oil through a pipeline. Hungary is an EU member, but President Viktor Orban has been critical of sanctions against Russia. The lure of cheaper oil One big reason: It's cheap. Since Russian oil trades at a lower price than international benchmark Brent, refineries can fatten their profit margins when they turn crude into usable products such as diesel fuel. Russia's oil earnings are substantial despite sanctions The Kyiv School of Economics says Russia took in $12.6 billion from oil sales in June. Russia continues to earn substantial sums even as the Group of Seven leading industrialized nations has tried to limit Russia's take by imposing an oil price cap. The cap is to be enforced by requiring shipping and insurance companies to refuse to handle oil shipments above the cap. Russia has to a great extent been able to evade the cap by shipping oil on a 'shadow fleet' of old vessels using insurers and trading companies located in countries that are not enforcing sanctions. Russian oil exporters are predicted to take in $153 billion this year, according to the Kyiv institute. Fossil fuels are the single largest source of budget revenue. The imports support Russia's ruble currency and help Russia to buy goods from other countries, including weapons and parts for them.