Education reform or political expediency: BJP questions CPM's intentions
In an exclusive interview to The Hindu, Rajeev Chandrasekhar criticizes the CPM's sudden shift in supporting private universities in Kerala, labeling it as opportunistic and a compromise on ideological grounds. He highlights the party's history of opposing reforms, only to later adopt them. Mr. Chandrasekhar praises the National Education Policy (NEP) for modernising higher education and transforming India into a global knowledge superpower. He emphasizes the need for transparency and accountability in university governance, suggesting the inclusion of Governor's nominees in university senates.
Excerpts from the interview
As the BJP State President, can you share your party's stance on the Private Universities Bill passed by the Kerala government? How do you perceive the LDF's sudden shift from opposing privatisation to embracing it with social regulation?
This sudden focus on education after presiding over nine years of neglect, apathy, and violence in campuses, while welcome, is too little, too late.
The Left in general, and the CPM in particular, have a long history of initially opposing reforms - be it the mechanisation of agriculture, technology, the Kochi International Airport, or the Vizhinjam Sea Port, only to embrace them once in power. The same pattern holds for private universities. History reminds us that they now quietly adopt what they once vehemently opposed.
So, the CPM's current support for private universities, after years of resistance, comes as no surprise. It was the SFI brigades, nurtured by the very same CPM, who attacked career diplomat-turned-educationist, T. P. Sreenivasan, accusing him of promoting the 'commercialisation of higher education.' This label, often thrown around by the Left, has long been their default response to any form of educational reform. Sreenivasan's only 'offense' was attempting, as Vice Chairman of the Kerala State Higher Education Council, to bring foreign universities to the state.
We've also witnessed the CPM's glaring insincerity: while ordinary SFI cadres were beaten on the streets across Kerala for staging strikes over baseless allegations of higher education privatization, the children of party leaders — including Pinarayi Vijayan — were comfortably pursuing degrees in private institutions outside the State.
The CPI(M)'s current, stark departure from its long-standing opposition to the privatization of education is nothing short of opportunistic, a clear case of sacrificing its own ideological principles for political convenience.
In contrast, the National Education Policy (NEP) envisioned by Prime Minister Narendra Modi represents a bold and forward-looking attempt to modernize higher education. Rooted in Indian ethos and aligned with global best practices, the NEP is designed to transform India into a global knowledge superpower. As the Prime Minister aptly said, NEP 2020 is 'the nation's intellectual renaissance, more than a reform.' It aims to build a self-reliant and globally competitive India through education and innovation — laying the foundation for a skilled, empowered nation as we move toward the vision of a Developed India by 2047, during the 'Amrit Kaal.'
In the meantime, it remains unclear how well the provisions outlined in the Kerala State Private Universities (Establishment and Regulation) Bill, 2025 align with or support the broader national vision set forth by the NEP.
Does this change in stance indicate a pragmatic approach or a compromise on ideological grounds? Furthermore, will the BJP support or contest this bill, and what are the key concerns or suggestions your party has regarding the implementation of private universities in Kerala?
It's quite clear that the CPM's shift in stance on private universities is nothing but a complete compromise of the very ideologies they had preached for years.
It indicates simply this - that they were wrong all this while and have now woken up. Meanwhile for several years students have fled to universities outside the state - which is why as one newspaper reported upto 30% of undergraduate seats are vacant
There are allegations that the implementation of the Four-Year Undergraduate Programme (FYUP) under the BJP's New Education Policy (NEP) compromise the quality of higher education in India due to inadequate groundwork and potential politicization of the education sector?
That is not an allegation - that's political misinformation and propaganda being pushed by some parties. The truth is this - NEP 2020 has introduced the Four-Year Undergraduate Program (FYUGP) as the new standard for bachelor's degrees, replacing the traditional three-year format. This transformative shift is designed to offer a more comprehensive and flexible education, allowing students to exit at various stages with recognized qualifications. For example, students can receive a certificate after one year, a diploma after two years, and a bachelor's degree after three years.
The four-year degree can also lead to a bachelor's degree with research. One of the most empowering aspects of FYUGP is the flexibility it offers: students can design their own degree by selecting subjects across different disciplines, tailoring their education to their interests and career goals and give them flexible and evolving career choice decision making.
Any program on its initial phase of implementation will have teething challenges which can be resolved, through determination and vision for the future and that is what will happen in the FYUGP also.
Does the University Amendment Bill passed by the Kerala Legislative Assembly strike a balance between accountability and autonomy, or does it undermine the independence of universities by significantly curtailing the powers of Vice-Chancellors and Chancellors, potentially jeopardizing academic freedom and institutional self-governance?
The CPM government in Kerala is infamously known for its ongoing tussle with the Governor, who, as per the Statutes, serves as the Chancellor of universities. Clearly, its reputation is not to improve the quality of the State's higher education and research sectors. Instead, it is marked by a tendency to appoint party loyalists, often with questionable competencies, in key academic positions, including vice chancellors, members of the senate, and other academic bodies. There are numerous instances where close relatives of political leaders have been 'gifted' positions at universities, ranging from assistant professors to researchers.
In this context, I fail to see how the current amendments will lead to any significant improvements in the quality of education.
Should the Governor's nominees be included in the university senate to ensure transparency and accountability in the university's functioning, given the Governor's role as Chancellor and the potential for disputes with the state's political executive?
Yes, including the Governor's nominees in the university senate can enhance transparency and accountability, especially considering the Governor's constitutional role as Chancellor of state universities.
The inclusion acts as a counterweight to potential political interference by the state executive. It ensures that university governance doesn't become monopolized by any single political ideology. His/her nominees can offer a more balanced, non-partisan view in academic decision-making. Governor's nominees, often academics, educationists, or experienced professionals, can bring diverse expertise, helping improve institutional standards and integrity.
Ironically, while state governments often claim to protect university autonomy, we know much that CPM in particular has politicized universities, campuses and education. Having Governor-nominated members helps restore equilibrium and protects academic spaces from becoming political or violence battlegrounds.
As the former Minister of State for Skill Development and Entrepreneurship, you've played an important role in India's skill development landscape. Kerala faces a unique challenge in bridging the gap between education and employability. What strategies would you propose to address this issue, and how do you plan to leverage your experience to promote entrepreneurship and skill development in the state?
The future will look very different from today. Countries, including India, see their youth as their most valuable assets. I often say, Investments will go to where skills are, and youth with skills will go to where opportunities are. So skills and talent aren't outlier issues. These are core to a state's competitiveness and capability to attract investments and for growth.
Skill development and upskilling of youth in India are crucial for enhancing employability and preparing them for the digital age. The Narendra Modi government is committed to equipping our young people with the necessary skills, particularly in light of India's demographic dividend and the opportunities presented by digital transformation.
The Future Ready, Job Ready Skills program, under the Pradhan Mantri Kaushal Vikas Yojana (PMKVY), aligns with the visionary goal of Viksit Bharat by 2047, as outlined by PM Narendra Modi. The initiative targets 4 lakh youth in Kerala over the next three to four years, ensuring they are equipped with the relevant skills.
Kerala has the highest unemployment rates among all states. After decades of Congress and Left government rule, this is the legacy left for generations of Kerala's youth. According to the Periodic Labour Force Survey, an alarming 47.1% of females and 19.3% of males in the prime working-age group are unemployed.
This is the current situation: a lack of investment has led to a shortage of employment opportunities, causing many young people to migrate from Kerala to other states and countries—often to work in risky and sometimes unsafe conditions.
It is time for the youth of Kerala to shine with future-ready skills. Kerala should progress along with other parts of India, and a better future must be created for our youth. Investors should be encouraged to come here; this will be the immediate mission for BJP in Kerala.
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