Bougainville And Papua New Guinea Struggle To Find Common Ground
A week of talks at Burnham Camp in New Zealand last week failed to produce a political agreement on implementing implement the outcome of the 2019 Bougainville Referendum.
However, further talks, again mediated by former New Zealand Governor-General Sir Jerry Mateparae, are scheduled to go ahead next week.
Ezekiel Masatt told the Post-Courier that Bougainville "firmly rejected" PNG's renewed proposals for "free association" and "confederation".
He added that the talks cannot progress constructively until the PNG government is willing to openly pronounce the word "independence."
Bougainville put forward what it called a "Melanesian Solution" with the autonomous region being granted some sovereign powers immediately.
Former Papua New Guinea MP, Sir John Kaputin, has called for the leaders of PNG to listen to Bougainville, and for the leaders of Bougainville to be serious about their duties on behalf of their people.
Sir John was closely involved in the cease fire in Bougainville in 1998, after being appointed the special State negotiator by Sir Rabbie Namaliu.
He has told the Post Courier this week that "It's a two-way thing that leaders of Bougainville must be serious about their leadership among our people and it's up for the National Government to listen to what they are proposing." he said.
Former PNG chief secretary Isaac Lupari has called for caution on Bougainville's push for independence.
He pointed out that the national constitution does not allow for any part of the country to secede.
Lupari is quoted in the Post-Courier saying "the pathway for determining Bougainville's future is enshrined in our National Constitution which makes it clear that the decision-making authority in relation to the Bougainville referendum results rests with the National Parliament."
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Scoop
2 hours ago
- Scoop
Bougainville Pins Hopes On Melanesian Agreement For Independence
, RNZ Pacific Senior Journalist Bougainville and Papua New Guinea have concluded many months of talks on the autonomous province's quest for independence. Most recently, the parties met for ten days at the New Zealand army camp at Burnham - a place dubbed the spiritual home of the Bougainville Peace Agreement, after it featured 28 years ago in the talks that ended the civil war. But there appeared to be few achievements the parties could point to, and there has been little communication from either government with the public. The Minister for the Implementation of the Independence Referendum, Ezekiel Masatt, managed to shed a different light on the matter in this discussion with RNZ Pacific. (This transcript has been edited for brevity and clarity.) Don Wiseman: There have been lots of meetings and lots of talks going back, you could say going back 28 years, but since this referendum process began, we've had nearly six years of talks, off and on, and Bougainville hasn't got much to show for it, has it? Ezekiel Masatt: In terms of what? DW: Progress has not been great. EM: Is Bougainville to blame for it? DW: I don't know. What's going on. Why? Why is no progress being made? EM: Progress, specifically in terms of what? DW: In terms of getting close to the tabling of the referendum, the process of getting toward independence by the first of September 2027, which is what the government has said it aims to do. EM: The Bougainville Government, DW: Yes, yes. The Bougainville government said that. EM: Okay. Well, let me, let me put on record the first of September date. While everybody is warming to it, that date was recommended by the Bougainville Leaders Consultative Forum, and it's a recommendation. At the moment, we going through the process of the Bougainville Constituent Assembly, who are debating the independence constitution. That starts today, coincidentally, so today and tomorrow is committed to the Bougainville Constituent Assembly, and once they've concluded their debate on the Constitution, then we'll see what happens. Now, let me make it absolutely clear, Don, that whilst we have embarked on various pathways to independence, I've always made it absolutely clear that our preferred option is to get independence through consensus, and that's through the BPA, [Bougainville Peace Agreement]. We know the history of what has transpired after the conduct of the referendum. There's been a series of consultations. There's been a breach, like I said years ago, that Papua New Guinea lives in a daily breach because there had been an agreement on ratification being a couple of years ago, that hasn't transpired. Now, despite all the hiccups, I think there's a new leash of life with the Melanesian Relationship Agreement. The Melanesian Relationship Agreement, one, allows the two governments to look at what sort of sovereign powers Bougainville can exercise in the interim. It also calls for the immediate consultation between the two Houses, the speakers and the clerk, in terms of the sessional order. And more importantly, it has called for the immediate activation of the Bipartisan Committee, and it's now been agreed that once the report of the Bipartisan Committee goes into the House, the National Parliament, then the referendum result and the consultative outcomes will also go in. We had a commitment from the chairman of the Bipartisan Committee, Dr Marat, in New Zealand, that they would commence work quickly. And I've been advised that as early as this weekend, the Bipartisan was supposed to meet in Rabaul in one of the first engagements to me, there's no delay on our part. There's no delay on our part. It's a process, and therefore, there's been some delays. We're confident in where we're going. DW: Under the Melanesian Agreement, some sovereign powers being handed down earlier. What are we talking about? EM: We haven't worked on the specifics, but my view is that, and the government's view is that, we won't be able to assume all the sovereign powers. Therefore, priority must be given to some economic sovereign powers where we can make some decisive economic decisions. I think that's the start. But despite the elections going on, I am hopeful that the technical teams can continue to meet to craft out some clear agenda in terms of which sovereign powers we can assume in the interim. DW: Okay, so you're quite confident that Port Moresby is fully supportive of the process, or do you think they're delaying the process? EM: Put it this way, does the National Government procrastinate, and they have a history, historical record of procrastinating, whether it's justified or not. We have other options that are open to us. We had this discussion before that the other option to get independence is through the working of the independent constitution, and I have in the original motion setting up the constituent assembly, I was very clear in reaching out to the National Government by making the motion for the adoption of the Constitution and any other resolution to be subject to the consultative outcome and the moderation talk. Now, having reconsidered that the possibility is there of a National Government strategy to procrastinate and to delay, I have since amended that motion - the House has amended that motion yesterday, stating clearly that the resolutions by the Constituent Assembly will no longer be in principle. If the Constituent Assembly goes ahead and adopts the Constitution, then it is within its legal right to set the date for independence. DW: So the Constituent Assembly is now the premier political body? EM: No, it's not the premier political body. It's the body that specifically deals with the amendment, rejection or adoption of the Constitution. And once it's done that, its activities come to an end. DW: We talked about the first of September 2027 and that's a maybe then. But when do you think Bougainville might be independent? How far away is it, this independence? EM: We have the recommended date. Everybody's warming to that date. The question of independence readiness, that's being addressed throughout the constituencies in Bougainville. The Autonomous Bougainville Government is working through the issues in terms of all the other economic big projects, so that we're in a position where we can sustain the economy and move forward. DW: In terms of the economy, you've still got a lot of work to do to have any degree of economic viability, don't you? EM: That's a justifiable argument. I have made it absolutely clear that the work on the economy of Bougainville must now also take some precedence. My argument is that to make the economy subject to political independence is something that I wouldn't agree to. We must obtain political independence in order to have some sovereign powers in order to make strategic economic decisions. Now, given the Melanesian Agreement where Bougainville can assume some sovereign powers, I think that's a great start in the right direction, and therefore I look forward to continued engagement by the technical officials and we can address some of these economic issues now. Having said that, it's not like we're sitting around doing nothing in Bougainville,. There are very major economic initiatives that have been taken on by the government. Another issue is, as you know, there's been the transfer of the BCL [Bougainville Copper Ltd] shares. That's an issue on its own. I'm not going to dive into that issue. And I think even on the economic issues, I have very much left it to the economic ministers to come in. But overall, to demand that Bougainville should meet some economic threshold or be economically independent before political independence, is a foolish argument. Australia never demanded that Papua New Guinea be economically independent. When Papua New Guinea got its independence, it had nothing except the Panguna Mine to deal with. I don't know why everybody's imposing on that economy. Whilst it's a genuine call, I think it's an internal matter for Bougainville to work on its economy. We're not shying away from that responsibility.
RNZ News
7 hours ago
- RNZ News
Bougainville pins hopes on Melanesian Agreement for independence
Bougainville President Ishmael Toroama, left, and PNG Prime Minister James Marape confirm the appointment of New Zealand Governor General, Sir Jerry Mateparae. 10 September 2024 Photo: Autonomous Bougainville Government Bougainville and Papua New Guinea have concluded many months of talks on the autonomous province's quest for independence. Most recently, the parties met for ten days at the New Zealand army camp at Burnham - a place dubbed the spiritual home of the Bougainville Peace Agreement, after it featured 28 years ago in the talks that ended the civil war. But there appeared to be few achievements the parties could point to, and there has been little communication from either government with the public. The Minister for the Implementation of the Independence Referendum, Ezekiel Masatt, managed to shed a different light on the matter in this discussion with RNZ Pacific. (This transcript has been edited for brevity and clarity.) Don Wiseman: There have been lots of meetings and lots of talks going back, you could say going back 28 years, but since this referendum process began, we've had nearly six years of talks, off and on, and Bougainville hasn't got much to show for it, has it? Ezekiel Masatt: In terms of what? DW: Progress has not been great. EM: Is Bougainville to blame for it? DW: I don't know. What's going on. Why? Why is no progress being made? EM: Progress, specifically in terms of what? DW: In terms of getting close to the tabling of the referendum, the process of getting toward independence by the first of September 2027, which is what the government has said it aims to do. EM: The Bougainville Government, DW: Yes, yes. The Bougainville government said that. EM: Okay. Well, let me, let me put on record the first of September date. While everybody is warming to it, that date was recommended by the Bougainville Leaders Consultative Forum, and it's a recommendation. At the moment, we going through the process of the Bougainville Constituent Assembly, who are debating the independence constitution. That starts today, coincidentally, so today and tomorrow is committed to the Bougainville Constituent Assembly, and once they've concluded their debate on the Constitution, then we'll see what happens. Now, let me make it absolutely clear, Don, that whilst we have embarked on various pathways to independence, I've always made it absolutely clear that our preferred option is to get independence through consensus, and that's through the BPA, [Bougainville Peace Agreement]. We know the history of what has transpired after the conduct of the referendum. There's been a series of consultations. Ezekiel Masatt Photo: PINA There's been a breach, like I said years ago, that Papua New Guinea lives in a daily breach because there had been an agreement on ratification being a couple of years ago, that hasn't transpired. Now, despite all the hiccups, I think there's a new leash of life with the Melanesian Relationship Agreement. The Melanesian Relationship Agreement, one, allows the two governments to look at what sort of sovereign powers Bougainville can exercise in the interim. It also calls for the immediate consultation between the two Houses, the speakers and the clerk, in terms of the sessional order. And more importantly, it has called for the immediate activation of the Bipartisan Committee, and it's now been agreed that once the report of the Bipartisan Committee goes into the House, the National Parliament, then the referendum result and the consultative outcomes will also go in. We had a commitment from the chairman of the Bipartisan Committee, Dr Marat, in New Zealand, that they would commence work quickly. And I've been advised that as early as this weekend, the Bipartisan was supposed to meet in Rabaul in one of the first engagements to me, there's no delay on our part. There's no delay on our part. It's a process, and therefore, there's been some delays. We're confident in where we're going. The Autonomous Bougainville Government President Ishmael Toroama, left, and PNG Prime Minister James Marape signed the Melanesian Agreement on Thursday. 26 June 2025. Photo: Autonomous Bougainville Government DW: Under the Melanesian Agreement, some sovereign powers being handed down earlier. What are we talking about? EM: We haven't worked on the specifics, but my view is that, and the government's view is that, we won't be able to assume all the sovereign powers. Therefore, priority must be given to some economic sovereign powers where we can make some decisive economic decisions. I think that's the start. But despite the elections going on, I am hopeful that the technical teams can continue to meet to craft out some clear agenda in terms of which sovereign powers we can assume in the interim. DW: Okay, so you're quite confident that Port Moresby is fully supportive of the process, or do you think they're delaying the process? EM: Put it this way, does the National Government procrastinate, and they have a history, historical record of procrastinating, whether it's justified or not. We have other options that are open to us. We had this discussion before that the other option to get independence is through the working of the independent constitution, and I have in the original motion setting up the constituent assembly, I was very clear in reaching out to the National Government by making the motion for the adoption of the Constitution and any other resolution to be subject to the consultative outcome and the moderation talk. Now, having reconsidered that the possibility is there of a National Government strategy to procrastinate and to delay, I have since amended that motion - the House has amended that motion yesterday, stating clearly that the resolutions by the Constituent Assembly will no longer be in principle. If the Constituent Assembly goes ahead and adopts the Constitution, then it is within its legal right to set the date for independence. Photo: Supplied DW: So the Constituent Assembly is now the premier political body? EM: No, it's not the premier political body. It's the body that specifically deals with the amendment, rejection or adoption of the Constitution. And once it's done that, its activities come to an end. DW: We talked about the first of September 2027 and that's a maybe then. But when do you think Bougainville might be independent? How far away is it, this independence? EM: We have the recommended date. Everybody's warming to that date. The question of independence readiness, that's being addressed throughout the constituencies in Bougainville. The Autonomous Bougainville Government is working through the issues in terms of all the other economic big projects, so that we're in a position where we can sustain the economy and move forward. DW: In terms of the economy, you've still got a lot of work to do to have any degree of economic viability, don't you? EM: That's a justifiable argument. I have made it absolutely clear that the work on the economy of Bougainville must now also take some precedence. My argument is that to make the economy subject to political independence is something that I wouldn't agree to. We must obtain political independence in order to have some sovereign powers in order to make strategic economic decisions. Now, given the Melanesian Agreement where Bougainville can assume some sovereign powers, I think that's a great start in the right direction, and therefore I look forward to continued engagement by the technical officials and we can address some of these economic issues now. Having said that, it's not like we're sitting around doing nothing in Bougainville,. There are very major economic initiatives that have been taken on by the government. Another issue is, as you know, there's been the transfer of the BCL [Bougainville Copper Ltd] shares. That's an issue on its own. I'm not going to dive into that issue. And I think even on the economic issues, I have very much left it to the economic ministers to come in. But overall, to demand that Bougainville should meet some economic threshold or be economically independent before political independence, is a foolish argument. Australia never demanded that Papua New Guinea be economically independent. When Papua New Guinea got its independence, it had nothing except the Panguna Mine to deal with. I don't know why everybody's imposing on that economy. Whilst it's a genuine call, I think it's an internal matter for Bougainville to work on its economy. We're not shying away from that responsibility.
Newsroom
3 days ago
- Newsroom
New world order, same old problems
Analysis: Iran today stands out as one of the few remaining Cold War antagonists of the United States. The recent conflict between Israel and Iran, and America's strikes on nuclear facilities, demonstrate the long shadow of the Cold War in the Middle East. In the late 20th century, as the Cold War came to a close, politicians started to postulate what a post-Cold War world looked like. Perhaps the strongest perspective came from US President George H W Bush. In a 1990 address to Congress, pre-empting the first Gulf War, Bush outlined his idea of a 'new world order'. The end of the Cold War marked a new era – one that Bush hoped would be 'freer from the threat of terror, stronger in the pursuit of justice and more secure in the quest for peace. An era in which the nations of the world, east and west, north and south, can prosper and live in harmony.' This new world order has yet to emerge. Instead, the early 21st century has remained characterised by many of the same issues of the Cold War world. The invasion of Afghanistan in 2001, the invasion of Iraq in 2003, and the Arab Spring movement and the civil wars that emerged as a result have seen Cold War figures deposed and new governmental structures struggle to emerge. Many of these conflicts appear the result of seeds sown decades ago. American support to anti-communist Mujahideen groups during the Soviet-Afghan War (1979-1989) paved the way for the Taliban's takeover in the late 1990s; similarly, American support for Saddam Hussein was justified in terms of Cold War geopolitics, particularly during the Iran-Iraq War (1980-1988). Israel is the nation in the region the United States is tied most closely to. Throughout the Cold War, it received major support from the United States and, as of 2022, remains the largest cumulative recipient of American foreign aid. Israel served Cold War geopolitics well: it provided America with a friendly nation in the Middle East, presented a counterweight to Soviet influence in the region, and, following the Iranian Revolution in 1979, Israel served as a strong ally against the Islamic Republic of Iran (a nation which rejected both Soviet and American ideology in a move against the bipolar nature of the Cold War world). The recent conflict between Israel and Iran is not solely due to tension between the United States and Iran, or the United States and Russia (an Iranian ally). It is important to recognise the two nations have their own long-running tensions and in many ways their relationship mirrors the US-Soviet relationship of the Cold War. Iran and Israel see themselves as major powers in the region and have engaged in open and covert warfare across the 21st century. Israeli espionage attacks on Iranian nuclear facilities, Iranian support of groups such as Hezbollah and Hamas, and proxy war in neighbouring nations can all be seen as part of this geopolitical competition between the two. These Cold War parallels extend to nuclear proliferation in the region. There is only one nation in the Middle East that possesses a nuclear weapons programme. Israel has long followed a policy of 'deliberate ambiguity' – to neither confirm nor deny – with regards to is nuclear arsenal. In 2023, Israel's Minister of Heritage Amihai Eliyahu told an interviewer that a nuclear strike on Gaza was 'one way' of dealing with Hamas, a comment that saw him reprimanded by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. This is the closest Israel has ever come to making an official statement on their nuclear arsenal. Furthermore, Israel is one of the only nations which is not a signatory to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons and has regularly refused efforts from the International Atomic Energy Agency to open its nuclear facilities for inspection. Iran's alleged pursuit of a nuclear weapon – which New York Times journalist David E Sanger claimed 'is taking more time than any nuclear-armed nation in history' – follows the same logic that characterised the US-Soviet arms race. The doctrine of nuclear deterrence relies upon states possessing nuclear weapons in the first place. As long as Iran's major rival maintains a nuclear arsenal, then Iran requires one as well. The recent American strikes on Iranian nuclear facilities is likely to further reinforce the necessity of a nuclear weapons program to Iranian policymakers. When the Soviet Union dissolved in the 1990s, the state of Ukraine transferred its nuclear arsenal to Russia for assurances of independence and sovereignty. Today, Ukraine enters its third year of defending against a wholescale Russian invasion. What lesson are states such as Iran expected to take from this? Increased nuclear proliferation heightens global risk, but can a nation which is threatened by its nuclear-armed geopolitical rival be expected to forgo the attainment of nuclear weapons? This rationale justified the arms race of the Cold War, and it will continue to justify Iran's pursuit of a nuclear arsenal if diplomacy continues to be ignored. Our Government can, and should, do more on the international stage. New Zealand can push for further arms reduction or limitation agreements through organisations such as the United Nations, and it can promote diplomatic efforts instead of conflict. We do not need to follow the idea of a new world order set out by politicians and policymakers in the late 20th century, but some of those ideals remain a worthy objective.
